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Thursday, March 5, 2009

Forbidden truth (The Altantuya Shaaribuu's Case : How and why she was killed?)

I am posting an article which is not able to publish in Malaysia due to security reason. Today morning, I was shocked because Malaysian government is still controlling our local medias and they keeping us like a frog in a well. Lets see what does the local media wrote about it:-
Malaysiakini is unable to reproduce all the details of the document due to possible legal complications that could arise as a result of the on-going murder trial."

Lets read the article together so that we can get some clue of a Mongolian lady who was killed for their own purpose. The following article was published in Liberation French newspaper on 5th March 5009.

English Version

By Arnaud Dubus (in Kuala Lumpur, Ulaan Baataar and Paris)

The Altantuya Shaaribuu's Case : How and why she was killed?

(First published in Liberation French newspaper, 5th of March 2009)

Shaaribuu Setev is a bitter and disappointed man. Yet behind the saddened face of this Mongolian lies a fierce determination. Seated in a sofa in the lobby of an Ulaan Baataar hotel rattled by gushes of a freezing wind, this sixty years old man is ready to fight. His face features, hardened by the suffering and the stern climate, and his intense gaze tell all. “My daughter has been murdered by Malaysians on Malaysian territory. And they did not have even offer a word of apology,” states this professor of psychology at the National University of Mongolia. The assassination of his daughter, Altantuya Shaaribuu, took place in October 2006. This was a murder unlike others in a region where business conflicts or petty politics are often settled with a gun. Everything in this case, which started in 2002 when the French Spanish company Armaris concluded the sale of three submarines to the Malaysian government for the amount of one billion Euros, is out of the ordinary. The impact of the “Altantuya case” in France, Malaysia and Mongolia has yet to reach its climax. The murder of the 28 year old Mongolian was the result of a “commission” at the price of 114 million Euros by Armaris to its Malaysian counterpart. This “commission,” which was acknowledged by the Malaysian government in front of the Parliament in Kuala Lumpur, has triggered a chain of events that has led to the assassination of Altantuya and the disappearance of several key witnesses in the case.

A report from the Malaysian police, written on 19th november 2006 and which has been kept secret until now, reveals dry and precise descriptions as to how this young woman, a member of Asian high society, has been killed. In this document, one of the killers, a policeman of the Malaysian Special Branch named Sirul Omar, replied to the questions of an officer at a police station close to the murder scene. “When the Chinese woman saw that I was taking a gun, she begged me to spare her, saying she was pregnant. Azilah (the commanding officer of Sirul) grabbed her and [threw] her on the ground. I immediately shot the left side of her face. Then Azilah took off her clothes and put them in a black plastic bag. Azilah noticed that her hand was still moving. He ordered me to shoot again, which I did”, said Sirul. This is the first confirmation of Altantuya's assassins’ identity. “Then we carried her body into the woods. Azilah wrapped the explosives around her legs, her abdomen and her head, and we exploded her.”

altantuya murder case publish on french newspaper la liberation 050309The revelation of this report in the French newspaper Liberation is the latest chapter in this colorful and dramatic saga featuring French weapon sellers, Mongolian Shaman, and Malaysian politicians. This case is explosive not only for the Malaysian government, since the deputy Prime minister and Finance minister Najib Razak (who is scheduled to become Prime minister at the end of March) is suspected of having links to the case, but also because it could embarrass the DCNS, this French company specialising in military shipbuilding. The French Spanish company Armaris, which sold two Scorpène and one Agosta submarines to Malaysia in June 2002, was bought by DCNS in 2007.

With her magnetic beauty and sophistication, Altantuya is reminiscent of the troubling image of a Far East Mata Hari. She grew up in Saint Petersburg (Russia), then studied at the Institute of Economic Management in Beijing. Besides speaking English, she is fluent in Russian, Chinese and Korean. The fateful cycle for Altantuya came into gear when she met Abdul Razak Baginda in Hong Kong in 2004. Baginda is a security expert and the director of the Malaysian Strategic Research Centre, a pro-government think tank. The two quickly became romantically involved. Altantuya, nicknamed Tuya by her friends, proved to be a useful assistant, helping Baginda translate from Russian to English.

Whereas Altantuya is young and beautiful, the rich and alluring Baginda is a well known figure of the Kuala Lumpur’s elite, notably because of his proximity to the Malaysian Deputy Prime minister and, until 2008, minister of Defense Najib Razak (he is also his security affairs adviser). Baginda parades in the most exclusive circles of Kuala Lumpur, sometimes accompanied by his legitimate wife.

In March 2005, Altantuya and Baginda departed for Europe, touring France, Germany, Italy and Portugal in the red Ferrari of Baginda, staying in posh hotels and dining in the finest restaurants of the old Continent. This trip, however, was not only for tourism: the contract for the sale of the submarines had been signed in 2002, but important details had yet to be settled. “We knew that Baginda was used by Deputy Prime minister Najib Razak as an intermediary for weapons systems deals, especially the high level ones,” says a regional security affairs expert.

At the end of March 2005 the couple was in Paris, where they met with Najib Razak. A picture shows the threesome in a Parisian private club. “Tuya showed me the pix. She said that one of the men was her boyfriend, Abdul Razak Baginda, and the other the “big boss”, Najib Razak. I asked her if they were brothers because of the names, but she said no, and that Najib Razak was the ‘prime minister’”, said Amy, Altantuya’s best friend (Najib Razak has sworn on the Koran that he has never met Altantuya). According to a private detective, now in hiding in India, the beautiful Tuya was also the occasional mistress of the deputy Prime minister, who was introduced to her by Baginda at the end of 2004.

The story became dramatic when, in October 2006, Altantuya was informed that the commission paid by the French-Spanish company Armaris had arrived on a Kuala Lumpur bank account. It had been paid to Perimekar, a company owned by Baginda. Altantuya rushed to Kuala Lumpur, in order to claim her share of the commission from Baginda ; she said she was entitled to 500,000 dollars. Baginda and Altantuya broke up prior to this. A jealous Rosmah Mansor, the feared businesswoman and wife of Najib Razak, objected any payment to Altantuya. Altantuya arrived in Kuala Lumpur with two other Mongolian women, one of them was a Shaman responsible for putting a spell on Baginda if he refused to pay. For several days, Altantuya harassed her ex-lover. On the 18th of October, Baginda could no longer tolerate the daily scenes made by Altantuya in front of his house. He contacted the Director of the Special Branch, Musa Safrie, who happened to also be Najib Razak’s aide de camp.

On October 19th, 2006, a little before 9 pm, two police officers of the Special Branch, Azilah Hadridan and Sirul Omar, were sent in front of Baginda's house where Altantuya was gesticulating and shouting. They had the order of “neutralizing the Chinese woman.” They kidnapped her, and drove her ten kilometers away and shot her several times. Then, they destroyed her body with C 4 explosives, a type which can only be obtained from within the Defense Ministry. Her entry into Malaysia was erased from the immigration records. It would appear that Altantuya had never come to Malaysia, because there is no trace left of her.

There is no perfect crime. The taxi driver hired by Altantuya for the day did not appreciate that his passenger was kidnapped under his eyes without payment for the fare. He took note of the registration plate of the kidnapper’s car and filed a complaint at the local police station. In a few days, the police identified the car and realized that it was a government vehicle. Events unfolded that even the Deputy Prime minister Najib Razak could not impede. He tried to cover the case. A few hours before the arrest of Baginda, he sent him a SMS : “I will see the Inspector General of Police at 11 am today... The problem will be solved. Be cool”. A few hours after, Baginda was arrested as well as the two police officers of the Special Branch, Azilah and Sirul.

After a trial considered dubious by many observers, Baginda was acquitted with the accusation of having ordered the murder and released in November 2008. Accused of having perpetrated the murder, Azilah and Sirul appeared in front of the Court last month. If convicted, their sentence is death. The verdict is scheduled for the 9th of April.

najib on kuala terengganu by election 060109 02Thousands of miles from there, in the Mongolian capital city Ulaan Baataar, Shaaribuu Setev, Altantuya's father, is trying to control his anger. To him and his family, the acquittal and release of Baginda is symbolic of the unfairness of the Malaysian judicial process: “The Malaysian government is not even answering to the letters from the Mongolian Foreign Affairs Ministry,” he says. When Shaaribuu came to the Malaysian parliament to meet Najib Razak, the Deputy Prime minister had to escape through a back door in order to avoid an embarrassing encounter. The Altantuya case has become a key element of the Malaysian political game between Najib Razak (who is expected to become Prime Minister after the United Malay Nation Organisation (UMNO) Congress in March) and the opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim. So far, Najib Razak has navigated around the obstacles, but the murder of the young Mongolian remains a sword suspended over his head.

military malaysia navy french built submarine scorpene classOne of the most obscure aspects of the Altantuya case is the role of the Armaris company. In October 2007, the Malaysian Deputy Defense minister, Zainal Abdidin Zin, acknowledged in front of the Parliament that Armaris had effectively paid 114 million Euros in commission to Perimekar. He maintained that it was not a bribe, but a payment for “support and coordination services.” Was there corruption as in the case of the Taiwanese frigates in which the French DCNS was also implicated ? DCNS, a private company with public financing, has declined our request for a meeting. “Nobody can comment on this case,” was the sober reply of the DCNS Press relations officer in Paris. A document, which could establish a link between Altantuya and the French company is the guarantee letter written by Abdul Razak Baginda so that his mistress could obtain a visa to enter the Schengen zone (of whom France is a member country). The French embassy could not refuse this service to a man decorated with the Legion d'Honneur. But the role of Altantuya in the submarines negotiations is still not clear. Intelligence agencies find her background intriguing and the Russian FSB (ex-KGB) is following closely the case.

In Ulaan Baataar, Mungunshagai, the eldest son of Altantuya, who is 12 years old, is traumatized by the death of his mother. Altanshagai, the youngest, who is five years old and mentally handicapped, has not understood that he will never see again his mother. “He is asking for her all the time and is staying the whole day prostrated on his chair. Every evening, I bring him sweets and I tell him that his mother gave it to me for him”, says Shaaribuu Setev, the grandfather of the two boys. As for Baginda, he settled down in the United Kingdom with his family. He never uttered a word of regret on the deadly fate of the one who shared his life for two years.


La belle Mongole broyée dans l'étau franco-malaisien

5 mars 2009

Kuala Lumpur et Oulan Bator, envoyé spécial

C’est le récit d’un meurtre, tel qu’on le lit dans un rapport confidentiel de la police malaisienne. Le meurtre d’Altantuya, une jeune interprète asiatique, prise dans une sombre affaire de ventes d’armes entre la France et la Malaisie. Un meurtre dans lequel serait impliqué l’homme qui pourrait devenir, à la fin du mois, Premier ministre de la Malaisie.

/«Quand/ /la/ /Chinoise/ /a/ /vu/ /que/ /je/ /prenais/ /une/ /arme/ /à/ /feu,/ /elle/ /m’a/ /supplié/ /de/ /l’épargner/ /en/ /disant/ /qu’elle/ /était/ /enceinte,

raconte un certain Sirul Omar, policier de la Special Branch malaisienne, à un autre policier d’un commissariat de Kuala Lumpur, la capitale du pays.

//Azilah/ [le supérieur de Sirul] /a attrapé la chinoise et l'a projetée par terre. J'ai immédiatement tiré en visant sa tempe gauche. Ensuite/ /Azilah/ /l’a/ /déshabillée/ /et/ /a/ /mis/ ses habits dans/ /un/ /sac/ /en/ /plastique noir./ /Azilah/ /a/ /vu/ /que/ /sa/ /main/ /bougeait/ /encore./ /Il/ /m’a/ /ordonné/ /de/ /tirer/ /une/ /seconde/ /fois,/ /ce/ /que/ /j’ai/ /fait/», lit-on dans ce document de cinq pages, resté secret jusqu’à présent – et qui en en possession de /Libération/. «/On/ /a/ /ensuite/ /transporté/ /le/ /corps/ /dans/ /la/ /jungle./ /Azilah/ /l’a/ /entouré/ d’/explosifs/ /et/ /nous/ /l’avons/ /fait/ /sauter/», poursuit Sirul, qui a toujours cru qu’Altantuya Shaaribuu, tuée en octobre 2006, était chinoise. Elle était en réalité mongole.

D’une grande beauté, cette jeune femme de 28 ans frayait dans la jet set asiatique. Une sorte de Mata Hari d’Extrême-Orient, qui avait passé son enfance à Saint Pétersbourg (Russie), puis étudié à l’Institut de gestion économique de Pékin. Outre l’anglais, elle parlait couramment le russe, le chinois et le coréen.

La révélation, par /Libération/, de ce rapport de police est le dernier rebondissement d’une saga rocambolesque où se côtoient marchands de canons français, chamanes mongols et politiciens malaisiens. Non seulement, l’affaire est explosive pour le gouvernement malaisien – le vice Premier ministre Najib Razak est soupçonné d’avoir commandité l’assassinat -, mais elle pourrait aussi mettre en porte-à-faux la société française DCNS, spécialisée dans la construction navale militaire.

En 2007, DCNS a en effet absorbé Armaris, la société franco-espagnole qui, en juin 2002, a vendu à la Malaisie deux sous-marins Scorpène et un sous-marin d’occasion Agosta. Montant : un milliard d’euros, dont quelques «commissions». Le meurtre de la jeune Mongole est une conséquence du versement d’une commission de 114 millions d’euros par la firme Armaris à la partie malaisienne. C’est ce paiement, reconnu officiellement par le gouvernement malaisien devant le Parlement de Kuala Lumpur, qui a enclenché une cascade d’événements, dont la disparition des principaux témoins de l’affaire et l’assassinat d’Altantuya.

Pour la jeune femme, l’engrenage fatal débute en 2004 lorsque elle rencontre à Hong Kong Abdul Razak Baginda, un expert militaire qui dirige le Malaysian Strategic Research Centre. Ils nouent rapidement une liaison amoureuse et Altantuya - que ses amis appellent Tuya - l’assiste, traduisant par exemple des documents russes.

Altantuya est jeune et belle ; le riche et séduisant Baginda est une personnalité en vue de la jet set malaisienne, notamment du fait de sa proximité avec le vice-Premier ministre et ministre de la Défense malaisien Najib Razak dont il est le conseiller pour les affaires de sécurité. Baginda apparaît dans les cercles les plus fermés de Kuala Lumpur, parfois en compagnie de son épouse légitime.

En mars 2005, Altantuya et Baginda partent pour une tournée européenne : la France, l’Allemagne, l’Italie, le Portugal traversés dans la Ferrari rouge du Malaisien, avec des haltes dans les hôtels les plus chics. Ce périple n’est pas seulement touristique : l’accord pour l’achat des sous-marins a été signé en 2002, mais des détails importants restent à discuter./«On sait que Baginda était utilisé par le vice-Premier ministre Najib Razak comme intermédiaire pour certains contrats d’armements, particulièrement ceux de haut niveau»/, explique un expert régional en matière de sécurité.

Fin mars, le couple est à Paris, où il retrouve Najib Razak. Une photo prise fin mars 2005 montre le trio dans un club privé parisien. Selon un détective privé qui a enquêté sur cette affaire, la belle Tuya était aussi la maîtresse occasionnelle du vice-Premier ministre, qui lui avait été présentée par Baginda fin 2004.

Cette histoire tourne au drame, quand, en octobre 2006, Altantuya apprend que la commission versée par la société franco-espagnole Armaris est arrivée sur un compte à Kuala Lumpur. Elle a été encaissée par Perimekar, une société que dirige Baginda. Altantuya file alors d’Oulan Bator à Kuala Lumpur, pour réclamer sa part à Baginda - dont elle s’est séparée entretemps - : 500.000 dollars lui auraient été promis ! Par jalousie, l’épouse de Najib Razak, la redoutable femme d’affaires Rosmah Mansor, se serait opposée à ce que la jeune Mongole touche de l’argent. Altantuya arrive alors en Malaisie avec deux autres Mongoles, dont une chamane chargée de jeter un sort sur Baginda s’il ne lui donne pas l’argent. Pendant plusieurs jours, elle harcèle son ex-amant. Le 18 octobre, Baginda ne supporte plus les scènes d’Altantuya devant son domicile. Il contacte le directeur de la Branche spéciale de la police malaisienne, Musa Safrie, lequel est aussi l’Aide de camp du vice-Premier ministre Najib Razak.

Le 19 octobre en début de soirée, deux policiers de la Branche spéciale, Azilah Hadridan et Sirul Omar, sont envoyés devant le domicile de Baginda où Altantuya trépigne et hurle. Ils ont ordre de «neutraliser la Chinoise» : ils la kidnappent, la conduisent à une dizaine de kilomètres du domicile de Baginda et la tuent par balles. Puis ils détruisent son corps à l’aide d’explosifs C-4, lesquels ne peuvent être obtenus qu’avec l’accord du ministère de la Défense. Son entrée sur le territoire malaisien est effacée des registres de la police malaisienne de l’immigration. Altantuya n’est donc jamais venue en Malaisie en octobre 2006 - il n’y a plus aucune trace d’elle.

Il n’y a pas de meurtre parfait. Le chauffeur de taxi qu’Altantuya avait engagé pour la journée n’a pas vu d’un bon œil sa cliente enlevée sous son nez sans que la course soit payée. Avisé, il relève le numéro de la plaque d’immatriculation de la voiture des kidnappeurs et porte plainte au commissariat le plus proche. En quelques jours, la police identifie la voiture et s’aperçoit qu’il s’agit d’un véhicule officiel. C’est l’engrenage, auquel même le vice-Premier ministre Najib Razak ne peut plus échapper. Il tente d’étouffer l’affaire. Quelques heures avant l’arrestation de Baginda, Najib lui envoie un texto : /“ Je vois l’Inspecteur général de la police à onze heures aujourd’hui… Le problème va être résolu. Reste cool.”/ Quelques heures après, Baginda est arrêté ainsi que les deux policiers de la Branche spéciale, Azilah et Sirul.

Au terme d’un procès jugé douteux par de nombreux observateurs, Baginda, accusé d’avoir ordonné le meurtre, est acquitté en novembre 2008. Accusés d’avoir commis le meurtre, Azilah et Sirul ont comparu le mois dernier devant le tribunal. Ils sont passibles de la peine de mort et le verdict doit être rendu le 9 avril.

L’affaire Altantuya est devenue un élément central du jeu politique malaisien entre Najib Razak -qui pourrait être nommé à la tête du gouvernement- et le chef de l’opposition Anwar Ibrahim. Razak a pour l’instant réussi à éviter les écueils, mais le meurtre de la jeune femme est une épée de Damoclès suspendue au dessus de sa tête.

A des milliers de kilomètres de là, dans la capitale mongole Oulan Bator, Shaaribuu Setev, le père d’Altantuya rumine sa colère. Calé dans un sofa du lobby d’un hôtel où le vent glacial s’engouffre par bourrasques, son père, un professeur de psychologie d’une soixante d’années, s’emporte : “/Ma fille a été tuée sur le sol malaisien par des Malaisiens. Et ils n’ont même pas eu un mot d’excuse ! Le gouvernement malaisien ne répond même pas aux lettres du ministère mongol des Affaires étrangères».

/L’acquittement de Baginda lui a paru une injustice flagrante. Quand le père d’Altantuya est venu au Parlement malaisien pour rencontrer Najib Razak, celui-ci s’est éclipsé par une porte dérobée pour éviter une entrevue embarrassante.

Altantuya laisse derrière elle deux orphelins: Mungunshagai, son fils aîné, âgé de douze ans, est traumatisé par la disparition de sa mère. Altanshagai, le plus jeune, âgé de cinq ans et qui souffre d’un handicap mental, n’a pas encore compris qu’il ne reverra jamais sa mère. /“Il réclame Altantuya sans arrêt et reste prostré sur une chaise. Tous les soirs, je lui apporte des bonbons et je lui dis que c’est sa mère qui les a donnés”/, nous confie son grand-père.

Un des aspects les moins clairs de l’affaire Altantuya est le rôle de la firme Armaris. En octobre 2007, le vice-ministre malaisien de la Défense, Zainal Abdidin Zin, a reconnu devant le parlement qu’Armaris avait bien versé une commission de 114 millions d’euros à Perimekar. Toutefois, a-t-il précisé, il ne s’agissait pas d’un pot-de-vin, mais d’un paiement pour «/services de soutien et de coordination»/. Y a-t-il eu corruption comme dans l’affaire des frégates de Taïwan dans laquelle la DCN était aussi impliquée ? La DCNS, société privée à capitaux publics, n’a pas souhaité nous répondre. /“Personne ne peut commenter cette affaire”/, nous a sobrement répondu le responsable des relations avec la presse à Paris.

Un document établissant un lien entre Altantuya et la firme française pourrait être une lettre de garantie écrite en 2005 par Abdul Razak Baginda pour que sa maîtresse obtienne un visa lui permettant d’entrer dans l’espace européen Schengen. L’ambassade de France n’a pas pu refuser cette faveur à un homme décoré de la Légion d’honneur. Mais le rôle d’Altantuya dans les négociations pour la vente des sous-marins n’est pas encore clair. Son profil ne manque pas d’intriguer les milieux du renseignement et le FSB russe (l’ex-KGB) s’intéresserait de près à l’affaire.

De son côté, Abdul Razak Baginda s’est installé en Grande-Bretagne avec sa famille . Jamais il n’a eu un mot de regret sur le sort funeste de celle qui a partagé sa vie pendant deux ans.


Pieces of a jigsaw puzzle


Now, let us look at the bits and pieces of the jigsaw puzzle so that we can get a clearer picture as to why Azilah and Sirul killed Altantuya Shaariibuu and try to figure out that most elusive missing piece of information as to who hired them to do so.


Raja Petra Kamarudin

Affidavit Saves Abdul Razak
Bernama, 31 October 2008

Political analyst Abdul Razak Abdullah Baginda was "saved" by his own affidavit in which the court accepted as the grounds to acquit him from the charge of abetting two policemen in the murder of Mongolian Altantuya Shaariibuu.

High Court judge Datuk Mohd Zaki Md Yasin ruled that exculpatory statements contained in Abdul Razak's affidavit negated and nullified the act of abetment as alleged against him.

Abdul Razak's action to file the affidavit was out of the ordinary and was at one point described by some in the legal fraternity as "now the cat was out of the bag".

The judge said the affidavit was corroborated in material particulars by four witnesses -- private eye P. Balasubramaniam, Altantuya's cousin Burmaa Oyuchimeg, Lance Corporal Rohaniza Roslan and Siti Aishah Mohd Azlan -- and other surrounding circumstances.

The affidavit was previously filed by Abdul Razak to support his application for bail before the trial with the intention to show that he did not abet in the murder.

In his decision, Zaki said unlike a cautioned statement and confession, Abdul Razak's affidavit was not part and parcel of the investigation process.

He said under Section 13 of the Oaths and Affirmations Act 1949, persons authorised by the Act to administer oaths and affirmation shall be bound to state the truth on the subject.

"Since this affidavit is now forming part of the case for the prosecution, it is my view, therefore, that its entire contents including the exculpatory parts thereof must be given the due weight as it is given to the rest of the evidence for the prosecution," Mohd Zaki said.


Razak Baginda saved by his affidavit
The Straits Times, 2 November 2008

The acquittal of political analyst Abdul Razak Baginda in the high-profile murder case of his former Mongolian lover made big headlines in Malaysian newspapers yesterday, with many zooming in on how his affidavit had saved him. The sleazy and sensational affair, and Abdul Razak's close ties to Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak, had kept the case in the public eye as the trial ran for two years.

His almost-forgotten affidavit filed two years ago was the highlight as it was pivotal to the High Court judge's decision to acquit him of abetting the murder. The document was filed in court in an attempt by Abdul Razak to obtain bail before the trial started. He failed to get bail and there was criticism then by legal experts who considered it a wrong move to disclose his case so early in the trial.

But it turned out to be an astute move. High Court judge Mohamed Zaki Mohamed Yasin on Friday ruled that the tell-all affidavit had helped clear him of the charge of asking two policemen to kill Altantuya Shaariibuu.

"In the absence of the rebuttal evidence against them (statements in the affidavit), coupled with the fact that there is no legal onus for him to rebut any statutory presumption, there is clearly no reason for the statements to be ignored and rejected," the judge said.

The judge found that 13 statements in the affidavit were not rebutted by evidence put forward by prosecutors. In a nutshell, they recounted how Abdul Razak had asked Musa Safri, a security aide of the deputy premier, for help because of Altantuya's harassment. Musa reportedly said he would introduce him to a police officer. The co-accused Azilah Hadri, an officer from an elite unit that guards VVIPs, called Abdul Razak the next day.


"Encik, You Can Sleep Well Tonight," Azilah Tells Razak
Bernama, 19 January 2007

The High Court here heard today that Chief Insp Azilah Hadri told political analyst Abdul Razak Abdullah Baginda on the day Mongolia model Altantuya Shaariibuu was murdered that he could sleep well that night.

The information was revealed by counsel Wong Kian Kheong in his affidavit to support Abdul Razak's application for bail while facing a charge of abetting Azilah, 30, and Constable Sirul Azhar Umar, 35, on Oct 19 last year.

According to Wong, Azilah had said "tonight encik (sir), you can sleep well" in a telephone conversation with Abdul Razak who had asked him for help because Altantuya had caused a commotion outside his house for the second time.

Earlier, Wong told the court that Abdul Razak knew the police officers through DSP Musa Safri and had met Azilah once at his office on Oct 18 last year.

During the meeting, Wong said, when Azilah told Abdul Razak that he (Azilah) had caused the death of between six and 10 people, Abdul Razak cautioned the police officer not to do anything foolish to the woman.

Justice K.N. Segara interceded, saying that if Azilah had said that he had killed people, why did Abdul Razak still want his help.

The affidavit also stated that Abdul Razak had asked Musa on the incident at his house when he bumped into Musa at the deputy prime minister's office on Oct 20 last year but Musa said he was not told anything by Azilah.

Segara also questioned Abdul Razak why he had to ask Musa who was not even present at the place in question when he could have asked Azilah himself whom he had met and could have called.

In his decision to reject Abdul Razak's bail application, Segara also commented on the facts contained in the documents.

He said various sequences of events in the affidavit showed enough ground that Abdul Razak was abetting in the offence allegedly committed by Azilah and Sirul Azahar.

Segara said Altantuya had imposed and attached herself to Abdul Razak like a leech and it was impossible to get rid of her and that it may or may not surface at the trial but it was clear to the court's mind that there was motive for Abdul Razak to get Altantuya off his heels when she came to see him.

Segara said the witness statement clearly set out how Abdul Razak dealt with Azilah where instructions and steps were taken by Azilah based on Abdul Razak's directions and that he (Abdul Razak) was always in touch with Azilah.


Mongolian’s murder: Razak reveals his relationship with Altantuya
The Sun Daily, 19 January 2007

The affidavit was tendered by Wong Kian Kheong in an attempt to obtain bail which High Court judge Datuk K.N.Segara had denied him earlier because there was no medical grounds to support his application for bail. Wong told the court that there were no reasonable grounds to hold his client under detention as he has not been found guilty. He then tendered the affidavit, which details Abdul Razak’s movements, actions and relationship with Altantuya.

As Wong continued with the affidavit, Segara interjected from time to time telling him to stick to the facts and not draw inferences from the events that unfolded as Abdul Razak attempted to “get rid” of Altantuya. At one juncture, Wong skipped part of the affidavit on Abdul Razak meeting Musa at the Deputy Prime Minister's (DPM) office on official matters, during which he (Abdul Razak) enquired about Altantuya’s fate.

Segara became angry and said: “Why are you avoiding the part, there’s nothing to hide, the DPM would not be embarrassed if the matter is mentioned. This is the court. Everything has to be disclosed.”

Segara said the affidavit produced by Abdul Razak pointed to a conclusion that he had abetted with Azilah to “get rid” of Altantuya from his life, but the matter was to be deliberated when the trial begins. He said Abdul Razak despite knowing that Azilah had killed several people, chose to continue seeking his aid.


Extracts of Razak’s Affidavit

On page 12, item 25 of the Affidavit, Razak admits that he sought help from DSP Musa Bin Haji Safri whom he befriended when he was running the Malaysian Strategic Research Centre.

On page 14, item 32 of the Affidavit, Razak admits that Musa Safri phoned him to inform him that a police officer will be contacting him to offer help with regards to his problem with Altantuya. In item 33 on the same page, Razak admits that, on 18 October 2006, Chief Inspector Azilah Hadridan phoned him and introduced himself as the police officer that Musa Safri mentioned as the person who will help solve the Altantuya problem.

Razak subsequently met Azilah in his (Razak’s) office and on page 15, item 34(b) of the Affidavit Razak admits that Azilah boasted he had already killed between 6-10 people before the Altantuya murder (which the court ordered expunged). Razak further admits that he responded by saying he did not wish anything unwanted (tidak diingini) to happen to Altantuya and he expected that Azilah, being a police officer he did not know until introduced to him through Musa Safri, would not do anything unwanted or against the law.

On page 17, item 36 of the Affidavit, Razak admits that Azilah went to his (Razak’s) house to pick up Altantuya and then Azilah tells Razak, “tonight you can sleep soundly” (which the court also ordered expunged). Razak further admits that he repeated at least twice to not do anything unwanted to Altantuya.

On page 18, item 38 of the Affidavit, Razak admits that, on 20 October 2006, he went to the Deputy Prime Minister’s office and bumped into (terserempak) Musa Safri. Razak then admits that he asked Musa Safri what happened to Altantuya and Musa Safri replied that Azilah has not said anything. Razak also admits that he asked Musa Safri a few more times over the next few days and still Musa Safri replied that Azilah did not say anything.

From Razak’s admission in the 24-page Affidavit filed on 4 January 2007, it is clear that:

1. Razak did not know Azilah and had never met him before the Altantuya murder.
2. Musa Safri, Najib's ADC, introduced Azilah to Razak.
3. Razak would have never met Azilah if not for Musa Safri.
4. Azilah felt he could help solve Razak’s problem because he had already killed 6-10 people before the Altantuya murder.
5. Razak’s Affidavit never mentioned whether Musa Safri knew that Azilah had already killed 6-10 people before the Altantuya murder and whether that was why Musa Safri introduced Azilah to Razak.
6. Razak did not want anything unwanted to happen to Altantuya.
7. Razak kept asking Musa Safri what happened to Altantuya but Musa Safri kept replying that Azilah had not informed him what happened (giving an impression that Razak was not able to ask Azilah himself and that the only person who was able to ask Azilah is Musa Safri).
8. If Azilah did murder Altantuya -- which we do not know yet since the trial is not over -- then it was not on Razak’s instructions and either Azilah used his own discretion or someone else other than Razak had instructed Azilah to murder Altantuya.
9. Even though Azilah and Razak never knew each other until Musa Safri introduced them, and they would have never known each other if not because of Musa Safri, Musa Safri is not one of those on trial for murder.


In his caution statement to the police, Sirul confirms that they were hired to kill Altantuya and that he took orders from Azilah, who in turn appears to be taking his orders from someone higher up -- apparently from Musa Safri or someone else from Deputy Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak’s office.

Since the court said it is not Razak who ordered the killing and subsequently acquitted him of the abetment to murder charge, then it has to be someone other than Razak who ordered the killing. It has to be noted that Azilah and Sirul were being paid to kill Altantuya, so they did not do so on their own initiative but on someone’s instructions.

Extract from Sirul’s caution statement: Azilah tells Sirul that they are going to be paid RM50,000-RM100,000 to kill Altantuya.

Extract from Sirul’s caution statement: Azilah phoned Sirul and asked him to go immediately to Razak’s house because Altantuya is in front of the house and is creating a scene.