Monday, July 13, 2009
Mustapha Hussain: Malay Nationalism Before UMNO
THE MEMOIRS OF MUSTAPHA HUSSAIN, 1910-1957
Even sadder, Malays could not count on the educated Malays to fight their case as most members of the new Malay elite had become Westernised. Thus, lower rung Malays were helpless to defend their lost rights and could do little to halt the economic onslaught by others.
NO HOLDS BARRED
Raja Petra Kamarudin
KMM, or the Young Malay Union, was founded by a group of radical left nationalists in their late twenties. Influenced by world events and by political events in Turkey in particular, they desired a political body similar to the Young Turks. The word ‘young’ did not preclude acceptance of members of any age group so long as they were “young in spirit.”
KMM wished to enter the arena of local politics as the saviour of nusa dan bangsa (country and people) before the axe of destruction could annihilate them. Homeland Tanah Melayu (The Malay Land), with Malays as its rightful owners, has already been renamed Malaya by the British, with ‘Malayan’ nationals about to inherit what Allah had bestowed on the Malays.
These young nationalists despised every form of colonial oppression. The British, initially accepted as protectors and peacekeepers, had become unbridled oppressors, like other European colonisers. Through their Residential System, policies were subtly introduced from London without giving the Malay Rulers much voice.
One bone of contention was the British policy of allowing tens of thousands of ‘others’ into Malaya. To administer Malaya, the British colonialists brought in educated foreigners from Ceylon, India and Hong Kong to help them exploit Malaya’s economic wealth. They also introduced uneducated workers from China and India. To maintain security, they imported troops from India and Burma. Why did the British not employ more Malays in both government and private sectors? Given a chance, they too would have proven progressive and capable! British excuses that Malays were unqualified and lazy did not hold water.
On top of that, British educational policies were not formulated to guide Malays towards better employment. In the 1930s, Malays only numbered 16 per cent of students in English schools in the Federated Malay States. Malays were, in effect, merely ‘educated’ to become traditional farmers and fishermen whose lives would just be a fraction better than their parents’.
Let me quote a British officer’s statement in the 1920s: “The aim of the Government is not to turn out a few well educated youths, nor a number of less educated boys: rather, it is to improve the bulk of the people, and to make the son of a fisherman or peasant a more intelligent fisherman or peasant than his father had been and a man whose education will enable him to understand how his lot in life fits in with the scheme of life around him.”
The Malays lagged behind in all fields, yet socio-economic policies introduced by the British were not designed to touch Malay lives, especially ‘lower rung’ Malays. They were left to carry on with their traditional lifestyles. No efforts were undertaken to improve the Malay peasants’ miserable standard of living.
We, the “progressive youths”, were fully aware that the British could not be depended upon to upgrade our socio-economic status. In fact, the British were quickly learning to evade the issue of Malay pre-eminence (Ketuanan Melayu).
We felt that if Malays united under the KMM, we could act to assert our rights. KMM could not only ensure peace, prosperity and security in the country, but at the same time, uphold Malay pre eminence and birthrights. In short, KMM would be the saviour of the Malays in their homeland.
The Malays had begun to be suspicious of Chinese immigrants from February 1931 when Penang Consultative Council Member Lim Cheng Ean boldly challenged, “Who says Malaya belongs to the Malays?” The Malay press answered this challenge vociferously, while individuals responded by forming Malay associations in Perak, Selangor and Pahang.
The Malays were, however, less alarmed by the presence of the Indians and the Ceylonese. These two nationalities were only seen as ‘birds of passage’, unlike Chinese immigrants who had become interested in staying on permanently.
Nevertheless, these two races were still looked upon negatively as ‘robbers’ of employment, in both Government Departments and estates. It was Malay labourers who cleared thick jungles to plant rubber seedlings in British estates, but when it was time to tap them, Indian labourers were brought in, replacing Malays.
In the Malayan Railways, positions – right from the highest position of Station Master to the lowest position of Porter -- were monopolised by Indians. Datuk Undang Rembau tried to remedy this social malady, but his efforts died with him.
Even sadder, Malays could not count on the educated Malays to fight their case as most members of the new Malay elite had become Westernised. Thus, lower rung Malays were helpless to defend their lost rights and could do little to halt the economic onslaught by others.
Leftist Malays with KMM hoped to unite the entire Malay population in ‘passive resistance’ similar to Gandhi’s, or, should KMM receive support from student bodies, move in ‘active resistance’ like Burma’s Thakin.
With such noble intentions and aspirations, KMM was founded in April 1938 at a meeting held at the home of Hassan Haji Manan along Jalan Pasar in Kuala Lumpur, the capital of the Federated Malay States. The KMM’s formation was one of the earliest organised efforts by Malays to disseminate political ideas.
The founding members of the KMM included Ibrahim Yaakub (a Malay school teacher turned journalist) from Kerdau, Pahang; Mustapha Hussain (a lecturer at the School of Agriculture of Malaya in Serdang, Selangor) from Matang, Perak; Hassan Haji Manan (a Malay school teacher) from Selangor; Abdul Karim Rashid (a Malay school teacher) from Selangor; Onan Haji Siraj (a Technical School certificate holder) from Ipoh, Perak; Othman Mohd. Noor or M.N. Othman (a Sentul, Kuala Lumpur, Central Workshop clerk) from Tapah Road, Perak; Sulung bin Chik (a Technical School certificate holder and Subordinate Officer in the Railways Department) from Pahang; Bahar bin Abik (a Subordinate Officer at the Government Printers, Kuala Lumpur) from Kuala Lumpur; Idris bin Hakim (a clerk in the Customs Office, Brickfields, Kuala Lumpur) from Kampar, Perak; Abdullah Kamil (a journalist) from Kuala Lumpur; Abdul Samad Ahmad (a journalist) from Selangor; Mohamad Salehuddin (a journalist) from Kuala Lumpur and Ishak Haji Muhammad (Pak Sako; a magistrate turned journalist) from Pahang. Most of these active members were Malay educated, but a few had attended English schools.
Ibrahim Yaakub was elected President, proposed by Hassan Haji Manan and seconded by Abdul Karim Rashid. I was made Vice President, proposed by Sulung bin Chik and seconded by Bahar bin Abik. The Working Committee members were:
Secretary I: Hassan Haji MananThe other Central Committee members included:
Secretary II: Othman Mohd. Noor (M.N. Othman)
Treasurer: Idris Hakim
Abdul Karim RashidI would like to add that the two big names in Malay left politics after World War II, Ahmad Boestamam and Dr Burhanuddin Al Helmi, were not KMM founder members. Ahmad Boestamam only joined KMM just a few months before World War II broke out.
Bahar bin Abik
Sulung bin Chik Onan Haji Siraj
Ishak Haji Muhammad (Pak Sako)
Abdul Samad Ahmad
KMM policies were not in line with the Perak, Selangor and Pahang Malay Associations, which were pro colonial and provincial in outlook. KMM was absolutely anti colonial and fiercely determined to free the ‘Malay Land’ from the British grip. The British Government would be pressured to listen to the Malays and a democratic system of government had to supplant the colonists.
As Malaya’s first political organisation, its leaders were proud to be the first to use the magic word, Merdeka. Appropriately, KMM had a secret meaning, Kesatuan Malaya Merdeka, or Independent Malaya Union, known only to the KMM’s inner circle, consisting of just a few members.
Later, in January 1942, this secret meaning shocked Japanese officers when I (as KMM Vice President) and other KMM members (Onan Haji Siraj, M. N. Othman, Hamzah Alang, Abdul Rahman Tambi, Mohd. Isa Sulaiman, Datuk Wan Daud Ahmad, Saidi Hashim, Kiman, Mohd. Mustafa Ali, Abdul Kadir Adabi, Hashim bin Mat Dali, Naning, Zainal Abidin bin Kassim, Haniff bin Sulaiman) demanded the Japanese commanders proclaim Malaya’s Independence after revealing that KMM’s secret aspiration was Independence. The story of this demand will follow in a later chapter.
KUALA LUMPUR, July 13 — The Police Force Commission, which is constitutionally responsible for the appointment and emplacement of members of the police force, has backed a second extension of the service of Tan Sri Musa Hassan as the country’s Inspector-General of Police.
The Malaysian Insider understands that the commission, whose members include top current and retired civil servants and the home minister, wants Musa to remain the country’s top cop when his current contract expires in September.
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak has still not given his nod yet, however, and is expected to have discussions soon with Home Minister Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein and other stakeholders soon.
So far it is understood that there is a strong sentiment within the administration for Musa’s term to be extended.
Another extension of Musa’s service is expected to draw political controversy.
Over the weekend, the DAP’s Lim Kit Siang urged the home minister not to renew Musa’s contract as the crime rate continues to soar.According to statistics provided by the veteran parliamentarian, there were 150,000 cases of crime in 2004. This figure ballooned to over 200,000 in both 2007 and 2008 despite Parliament tripling funds allocated to the police under the Ninth Malaysia Plan to RM8 billion.
Lim said that this shows the failure of the Musa to stem the tide of rising crime cases despite an increase in resources.
Musa had reached retirement age two years ago and received a two-year extension of his term.
The original extension was also controversial as it came about after Attorney-General Tan Sri Gani Patail ordered the then Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) to close investigations on graft accusations against Musa for allegedly being involved in the release of members of illegal betting syndicates.
Musa was also accused last year by Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim of being involved in a plot to fabricate evidence during the 1998 investigation of the former deputy prime minister’s black eye beating case.
Datuk Mat Zain Ibrahim, the police officer who investigated the black-eye beating in 1998, has also accused Gani and Musa of fabricating evidence in the assault.
Mat Zain’s accusations, contained in a sworn affidavit, have been submitted as evidence in Anwar’s current Sodomy II trial.
Anwar is likely to use the alleged evidence of a previous conspiracy by Gani and Musa against him to back his claims that the current sodomy convict ion is politically motivated.
The exposure in court of such allegations would be damaging to the authorities who are keen on showing impartiality in the prosecution.
It is unclear if the prime minister will take these factors into consideration when he considers whether to give his nod to Musa’s extension.
Musa was first appointed to the post on Sept 12, 2006, succeeding Tan Sri Mohd Bakri Omar.
Musa, a law graduate, joined the service as an inspector on Nov 11, 1969.
Since then, he has held several important posts including as Malacca prosecuting officer in 1973, Bukit Aman Narcotics Division director in 1981 and Kuala Kubu Baru Police College lecturer in 1986.
Musa held the post of Bukit Aman prosecution/criminal law deputy assistant director in 1995 and Johor Chief Police Officer in 2003.
In 1999, he headed the team which investigated the first Anwar sodomy case.
In 2004, he was appointed Criminal Investigation Department director before being made Deputy Inspector-General of Police a year later and then as the Inspector-General of Police the following year.
By SV Singam
The land now called Kampung Buah Pala was occupied by settlers for more than 200 years. Some 150 years ago, David Brown, who then owned the coconut plantation there, gave the land to the settlers for them to continue their farming activity.
A written document exists to prove this. After Brown had returned to Britain, the state government took over the land and proceeded to collect annual temporary occupation licence (TOL) rent from the villagers.
In 1999, the villagers applied for the land to be gazetted as heritage land but the then BN government dragged its feet over the matter and failed (or refused) to take any firm action.
I have no idea how many people were privy to the fact that a developer called Nusmetro Ventures had a plan to develop condominiums on the land occupied by Kampung Buah Pala.
I have no idea as well when the project was launched but I do know that as early as December 2007, even before any land transfer had taken place, prospective buyers were already discussing the launching price and putting down deposits.
In retrospect, it appears that the BN government had no intention of gazetting Kampung Buah Pala as heritage land. Instead, the land was to be sold to a developer to build the condominium project. In the process, BN cronies, including senior state government servants, were to make fat profits.
At the time of campaigning for the general election last year, residents of Kampung Buah Pala claimed that they highlighted their problem to the Pakatan Rakyat candidates who promised to solve the problem if they won the elections.
I have not seen any recorded evidence of the Pakatan Rakyat candidates making that promise but I find it quite believable simply because at that time the DAP did not expect to win outright.
After the Pakatan took over the state government, the plotters behind the scheme had a problem. People within the government administration would lose the lucrative profit they were expecting to make. The crony developer would lose a lot of money already spent on launching the project. Buyers of the condo units would only get partial refunds because lawyers' fees and so on would not be returned.
They would stand to lose lots of money. It was a real mess that the plotters had to clear up, which they did.
Three weeks after Pakatan took control of Penang, the Kampung Buah Pala land was quietly transferred to the Koperasi Pegawai Pegawai Kanan Kerajaan Pulau Pinang for them to sell to Nusmetro Ventures, right under Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng's nose.
The initial transfer of the land and the subsequent sale of it took place after the Pakatan government had come into power. They could have stopped it if they had wanted to but had it been stopped, they would have to face the wrath of the buyers of the condos.
On the other hand, if the project went through, only the Kampung Buah Pala residents would be affected.
I suspect this is why the state government closed its eyes until it was too late.
The chief minister is now claiming that the developer had offered a compensation of RM200,000 per residence which the settlers had rejected. The truth is the compensation offered was only RM90,000 and this was accepted by only six of the 41 families living there.
The others rejected the offer not because the money was not enough but because they wanted to stay on the land that had been settled on by their ancestors. They needed the land so that they could continue with their livelihood of rearing cows and goats.
The chief minister has the power to acquire the land. Of course he has to compensate the buyer but his claim that he had to pay RM200 per sq ft is ridiculous.
The land acquisition was done under suspect circumstances. The buyer only has to be paid a nominal sum above the purchase price but no one really seems to know what the actual payout would amount to.
What I can see is the unwillingness on the part of the state government to stop the project. I can understand why the chief minister fears to do that. The buyers of that project together with their relatives and friends would constitute a huge voter block. He cannot afford to antagonise them. He may not be corrupt, but he is a politician. He is in power on the votes of his supporters. He is surely beholden to them.
Everyone is lambasting Hindraf for their confrontational attitude. Well, don't forget that the reasonable negotiating attitude that had been adopted for some 10 years, all the way until that point had resulted in utter failure. If Hindraf had not acted as they did, Kampung Buah Pala would be reduced to rubble by now.
Hindraf has won one month for all parties to come out with a fair solution. Let us see if the Penang Pakatan government has what it takes to address this really difficult issue and fix it.
The Pakatan government may not be guilty of any corruption or illegal action but they are guilty of inaction, which has brought grief to the settlers. It is morally wrong to make it seem like the settlers are greedy and are demanding more compensation. All the settlers are asking for is to be left alone to do what they have been doing for more than 200 years.
The right and proper thing to do is to confiscate all profits made from this nefarious project and use that to compensate the affected parties equitably. If the Penang government is unable to do that for whatever reason, they have to do the next best thing in providing a suitable alternative location.
The settlers are not asking for fancy urban homes or money. They just want to be able to continue with their lives and livelihood. Is that too much to ask?
What I recommend is not impossible to do. It only requires a willingness on the part of the state government to prove that they are truly a people's government and not merely a taxpayer's government.
The e-group that I promised you some time back is now up and running and whilst discussions my be slow, I’m confident that it will pick up once the participants warm up and overcome their initial shyness. If you’d like to get in on these discussions, send me an e-mail at email@example.com
The Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia website, too, will soon be up and running.
And the last few months has also been spent scouting around for suitable premises to set up a Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia secretariat.
Last Tuesday, in his ‘Goodbye, Blog House’ post, Rocky announced that Blog House in Bukit Damansara, where the first Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia fellowship on 25th August, 2007 was held, was no more. He had handed over the keys to the landlord the day before.
I called Rocky the same day his post was put up. He gave me a contact number that ultimately put me in touch with the owner.
I’ll make a long story short.
The Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia initiative now has a home. Yes, we’ve taken over the premises that Blog House once occupied.
The “Rumah Anak Bangsa Malaysia” signboard should go up sometime this week.
That will tell you how serious my friends and I are in taking the ‘One People, One Nation’ message far and wide.
This weekend, we are organising a consensus workshop.
There’s more in the pipeline.
Look out for announcements in the coming weeks and months.
Hishammuddin should explain why he is supporting the renewal of Musa Hassan as IGP who had led a losing war against crime despite trebling of police a
In his Hundred Day address yesterday, the Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak identified six key areas for his administration to focus on, viz: crime prevention, combating corruption, providing greater access to quality and affordable education, improving the quality of life for the poor, improving rural infrastructure and upgrading public transportation in the medium term.
It is shocking that after 100 days as Prime Minister, Najib as nothing whatsoever to say on two of the six key areas of his premiership, namely crime prevention and combating corruption, sending out the unmistakable message that they rate very low in his order of priorities and debunking the claim that they rank as the top two items of the six key areas for his administration to focus on.
Despite giving a “blank” message of what he intend to do about fighting crime, the Inspector-General of Police Musa Hassan could join in the paeans of praise for the new Prime Minister, as Musa is quoted by New Sunday Times today, saying:
“The police have done their best to tackle crime in the country and we will not let up in our efforts. From January until now, crime has been reduced by four per cent. What’s important is to address street crime such as snatch thefts and wayside robberies.”
This is a meaningless statement from the IGP, especially one who had fought a losing war against galloping crime in the past five years, with the national crime index of 156,315 cases in 2004 (which the Police Royal Commission had described as intolerably high which would only frighten off investors and deprive Malaysians of their fundamental rights to be free from crime and the fear of crime) to shoot through the 200,000 barrier in 2007 and 2008!
This is not the only reason why the country should have a new IGP and why Musa’s lobbying to get his term which expires in September to be renewed for another term should be denied.
Other important reasons why the country needs a new IGP to provide new leadership and vision towards creating a world-class police force are:
(i) Musa’s failure to fully implement 125 Police Royal Commission recommendations particularly to establish the Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC) to create an efficient, incorruptible, professional world-class police force to keep crime low, eradicate corruption and uphold human rights
(ii) Parliament responded to Police Royal Commission Report and tripled police allocations in the Ninth Malaysia Plan to RM8 billion as compared to the previous five years under the Eighth Malaysia Plan – but Musa failed to deliver a world-class police service which could keep crime low, eradicate corruption and uphold human rights.
I understand that Musa’s effort to get his term as IGP renewed for another term after September has got the support of Hishammuddin.
The Home Minister, Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein should explain why he is supporting the renewal of Musa Hassan as Inspector-General of Police (IGP) when the latter had led a losing war against crime despite the trebling of police allocations to RM8 billion in the Ninth Malaysia Plan as compared to the previous five years under the Eighth Malaysia Plan and why he is against the appointment of another top police officer to be the No.1 Policeman in the country.
(Speech 2 at the meeting of DAP State Secretaries, Organising and Publicity Secretaries at Crystal Crown Hotel, Petaling Jaya on Sunday, July 12, 2009)
The ancient Chinese bound the feet of their baby daughters so they would grow up with deformed tiny feet, thus limiting their mobility and participation in life outside the little world of their homes. These women would then be totally dependent on their men.
In rescinding the policy of teaching science and mathematics in English, the government is likewise binding the intellectual development of our children. They and future generations of Malaysians would grow up with warped intellect. They would then be totally dependent on the government, just as ancient Chinese women with tiny feet were on their men.
My friend and fellow commentator Azly Rahman has a more apt and colorful local metaphor; we are condemning future generations to the Pekan Rabu economy, capable only of selling pirated versions of Michael Jackson albums. That would be the extent of their entrepreneurial prowess and creative flair. They are only subsistence entrepreneurs and ‘copy cat’ creators.
Make no mistake about it. The government’s professed concerns for the poor and those from rural areas notwithstanding, reversing the current policy would adversely and disproportionately impact them. The rich and those in the cities have a ready escape; the rich through private English classes, urban children from the already high levels of English in their community.
The most disadvantaged will be the poor kampong kids. That means Malay children. Thus we have the supreme irony if not perversity of the champions of Ketuanan Melayu actively pursuing a policy that would ensure Malay children be perpetually trapped economically and intellectually. I thank Allah that I grew up at a time when the likes of Muhyyuddin were not in charge of our education system. Otherwise I would have been trapped in my kampong.
The idiocy of the new move is best illustrated by this one startling example. In 2012 when the new plan will be implemented, students in Form IV will be taught science and mathematics in Malay, after learning the two subjects in English for the past nine years. Then two years later when they will be entering Sixth Form or the Matriculation stream, they will again have to revert to English.
Pupils in the vernacular schools would have it worse. They would learn the two subjects in their mother tongue during their primary school years, then switch to Malay for the next five while in secondary school, and then switch again, this time to English, in Sixth Form and university!
Had these policymakers done their homework and diligent downstream analysis, such idiocies would not crop up. Then again this is what we would expect from our civil servants. They have been brought up with their minds bound up; they cannot think. They have depended on others to do the thinking for them.
Najib Razak’s flip-flopping on this major national issue eerily reminds me of similar indecisiveness and lack of resolve of his immediate predecessor, Abdullah Badawi. No wonder he supports Najib in this policy shift. Najib should not take comfort in that, unless he expects a similar fate as Abdullah’s. Abdullah was kicked out by his party; with Najib, it would be the voters who would be kicking him out. Public sentiments are definitely against this policy switch.
Failure of Policy Versus Failure of Implementation
The cabinet reversed course because it deemed the policy did not produce the desired results. However, in arriving at this pivotal decision the cabinet failed to address the fundamental question on whether the original policy was flawed or its implementation ineffective.
It just assumed the policy to be flawed. Muhyyuddin and his senior officers relied heavily on the 2005 UNESCO Report which suggests that “‘mother tongue first’ bilingual education” may (my emphasis) be the solution to the dilemma of members of minority linguistic groups in acquiring knowledge.
Muhyyuddin and his advisers seriously misread the Report. It was concerned primarily with the dilemma at the societal level of members of a linguistic minority having to learn the language of the majority (“national language”) versus the need to maintain linguistic diversity generally and minority languages specifically. UNESCO was rightly concerned with the rapid disappearance of languages spoken by small minority groups. The report was not addressing specifically the learning of science and mathematics.
Malay language is not at risk of disappearing; it is the native tongue of literally hundreds of millions. To extrapolate the UNESCO recommendations for Malay language is a gross oversimplification and misreading of the report.
The UNESCO Report does not address the issue of when and how best to introduce children to bilingual education. Later studies that focused specifically on the pedagogical and psychological aspects instead of the sociological and political have shown that children are quite capable of learning multiple languages at the same time. Even more remarkable is that the earlier they are exposed to a second language the more facile they would be with that language. They would also learn that second language much faster; hence second language even at preschool.
The acquisition of bilingual ability at an early age confers other significant cognitive advantages. These have been documented by clinical studies with functional MRIs (imaging studies of the brain). Malaysia should learn from these more modern studies and the experiences of more advanced societies, not from the UNESCO studies of backward tribes of Asia.
The other basis for the cabinet’s decision was ‘research’ by local half-baked and politically-oriented pseudo academics. They should be embarrassed to append their names to such a sophomoric paper. The quality is such that it will never appear in reputable journals. As for the Ministry’s own internal ‘researchers,’ remember that they came out within months of the policy’s introduction in 2003 documenting the ‘impressive’ improvements in students’ achievements!
The one major entity that would be severely impacted by the cabinet’s decision is our universities. Yet our Vice-Chancellors have remained quiet and detached in this important national debate. They have not advised the cabinet nor lead the public discussions. Again that reflects the caliber of leadership of our major institutions.
Had the cabinet decided that the policy was essentially sound but that the flaws were with its implementations, then measures other than rescinding it would be the appropriate response. This would include recruiting and training more English-speaking teachers and devoting more hours to the subject.
What surprised me is that when Mahathir introduced the policy in 2003, he was supported by his cabinet that included Najib, Muhyyuddin, Hishamuddin, and over a dozen of current ministers who now collectively voted to reverse the policy. Likewise, the policy was fully endorsed too by UMNO’s Supreme Council then. Like the cabinet, many of those earlier members are still in that body today. Yet today the Council also voted to disband the policy. Muhyyuddin, Hishamuddin and the others have yet to share with us why they changed their minds. The conditions that prompted the introduction of the policy back then are still present today. This reversal will do not change that.
Najib, Muhyyuddin and Hishamuddin are “lallang leaders,” they bend with the slightest wind change. Unlike Margaret Thatcher’s famed resolve of “This lady is not for turning,” with Najib, Muhyyuddin, et al., all you have to do to make them undertake a U turn would be to blow slightly in their faces. Blow a bit harder and they would scoot off with their tails between their legs. These leaders will never lead us forward.
This reversal will not solve the widening achievement gap between urban and rural students. The cabinet has yet to put forth new ideas on ameliorating that problem. So, just as ancient Chinese women were physically handicapped because of their bound feet, rural or more specifically Malay children will continue to be intellectually handicapped by their warped and small minds, the consequence of this policy shift. Perhaps that is the real objective of this policy reversal, the shackling of the intellectual development of our young so they will forever be dependent on their ‘leaders.’
"I had met the people of Manik Urai and it is clear that they want to see a BN revival in Kelantan.
"Manik Urai could be the starting point of the changes as the people are aware of PAS narrow politics that would take them nowhere," he said in a statement Sunday.
Hishammuddin, who is also Home Minister, said the people of Manik Urai were still lagging behind and their livelihood hardly changed under PAS.
"They want to lead a better life and have a secured future. This could be seen when the people of Manik Urai openly came out in droves to meet Umno leaders.
"This turn of event is further augmented by the friendly disposition of BN candidate Tuan Aziz Tuan Mat, who has his finger on the pulse of the people.
"And this is an important step towards the transformation of the future of the people of Kelantan," he added.
Hishammuddin said with the support and awareness of Manik Urai voters, the future of the people of Kelantan would be rest assured and BN would be with them in marching towards transformation.
While admitting the relative calm in the Manik Urai by-election campaign to the maturity of the people, he also attributed it to the role played by the police.
He commended the police for maintaining security and public order to ensure that there would be untoward incidents during the campaign and on polling day.
At the gathering to mark his 100 days in office, PM Najib has announced a slew of " goodies" .
People like " goodies" and he can expect his approval ratings to go higher than the 65% achieved recently.
But if Najib wants to truly bring about changes, he has to implement more and real changes and not just populist measures or goodies.
For example, I did not see his promise that a Royal Commission of Inquiry will be set up into the PKFZ issue. Should the people be satisfied with just the release of the recent PKFZ Report?
Neither did he promise that he will permanently solve the highway toll rate problem. Should the people be happy with the discount announced? Is this all his government can do ?
There was no promise that his government will abolish draconian laws like the ISA, OSA and the Printing and Press Act.
There are many more promises which the PM has not addressed.
The " what he did not promise"list can go on but what is important is that the people who have voted for change in the last general election must be able to see what the PM did not promise rather than what he has promised.
The nation and the people definitely deserve more than the slew of goodies announced.
Baru memasuki gerbang 100 hari sebagai Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak kelihatan masih dalam kepayahan bergelut dengan imej 'hitam' yang mencalar beliau.
Kemasukan semula Tun Dr. Mahathir ke dalam Umno selepas Najib memegang tampuk Perdana Menteri dan Presiden Umno tidak menjanjikan jalan selesa kepada Najib. Ini dibuktikan apabila Mahathir yang seharusnya mendokong Najib mula sudah tidak stabil dan mula menyerang 'manja' Najib. Sila klik sini untuk baca ; Mahathir- 100 Hari Najib, lebih banyak negatif
Kemudian respon Tun Dr. Mahathir kepada tindakan kerajaan Malaysia menasuhkan PPSMI 2012 pula mungkin sedikit menyukarkan Najib. Mahathir dengan jelas menyatakan kurang senang beliau terhadap tindakan pemansuhan PPSMI sehingga beliau membuat undian mengenai isu tersebut dalam blog peribadinya. Sila kklik tajuk untuk baca ; Saya sedih - Mahathir . Ada seorang anak muda Rembau, peminat Vespa (memiliki 4 Vespa) juga penuntut Kolej Risda, Melaka,yang hanya ingin dikenali sebagai Komeng, pernah berkata "Jika Mahathir ada maruah dia seharusnya keluar dari Umno semula"
Isu rasuah (pembelian senjata), isu Altantuya sudah cukup melemaskan Najib isu - isu ini makin semarak dan merimaskan apabila kehadiran Rosmah di sisi Najib lebih menyerlahkan imej negatif dan membebankan. Kesombongan Rosmah mengarahkan Universiti Malaya untuk menyerahkan kes conteng dinding (Rosmah Puaka) kepada Polis telah menyebabkan mood tersusun anti Rosmah terbentuk secara organik di kalangan Mahasiswa Lembah Kelang. Mood ini dijangka bakal melanda mahasiswa seluruh negara. Rosmah dilihat umpama Emelda Marcos yang cukup boros, tamak, sombong. Wajah mereka juga hampir mirip. Jika imej itu berjaya dikekalkan maka Najib mampu 'hancur' kerana Rosmah. Sebelum ini tidak pernah isteri PM menjadi bahan kritikan melampau. Seingat che'GuBard cuma Tun Hasmah yang pernah dikritik kerana kononya pakai rambut palsu itupun kritikan bentuk gurauan yang tak beri kesan terhadap undi.
Kehadiran Nazir Razak (yang menguasai CIMB) dilihat mampu melengkapkan imej calar Najib dengan beberapa tindakan beliau.
Kehadiran blog - blog anti Najib yang diusahakan oleh pihak dalam Umno juga dilihat menjadi ancaman kepada Najib. Menurut seorang teman pemimpin Umno (pertengahan) menyatakan kemungkinan untuk menolak Khairy atau penyokong kuatnya dari terlibat dengan kewujudan blog-blog anti Najib agak sukar kerana trend atau style blog tersebut sama seperti blog - blog yang bersungguh pro Khairy yang wujud bertebaran menjelang pemilihan beliau selaku Ketua Pemuda Umno.
Kembali semula kepada isu PPSMI. Kerajaan (Muhiyuddin) telah mengumumkan baru baru ini mengenai PPSMI yang akan dimansuhkan pada tahun 2012. Dalam kenyataan tersebut beliau turut mengakui bahawa PPSMI tidak pernah mencapai sasaran yang ditetapkan. Maknanya kenyataan Menteri Pelajaran sebelum ini mengenai kejayaan PPSMI adalah bohong. Secara tidak lansung Muhiyuddin mengatakan Hishamuddin membohongi rakyat.
Ramai pula yang menyambut kejayaan memansuhkan PPSMI ini.
che'GuBard ingin meminta semua pihak agar bertenang dan memikirkan beberapa fakta mengenai pengumuman mansuh PPSMI 2012 ini.
Pertama memang benar pengumuman pemansuhan ini adalah tindakan terdesak regim Bn kerana ingin meraih populariti setelah desakan rakyat yang meningkat dalam isu PPSMI ini. Ini juga membuktikan tekanan melalui himpunan jalanraya mempunyai kesan. (sila klik sini untuk lihat perhimpunan anti PPSMI 7 Mac 2009)
Untuk itu tidak ada alasan untuk semua yang anti undang undang zalim 'ISA' untuk tidak sama turun ke Kuala Lumpur 1 Ogos 2009 untuk sama berhimpun secara aman membantah kezaliman ISA. Jika benar berjaya mendapat lebih 100,000 rakyat turun membanjiri jalanraya Kuala Lumpur nescaya ISA mungkin akan dimansuhkan.
Kedua, PSSMI ingin dimansuhkan 2012, mengapa 2012 ?
Menurut Prof. Emeritus Abdullah Hassan, Institut Peradaban Melayu UPSI, beliau punya maklumat menyatakan perbelanjaan PPSMI bukan sekadar RM 4.5 billion sebaliknya menjangkau kepada RM 12 billion. wow !!
Setelah menggunakan sebegitu banyak tetapi baru sedar tidak berhasil ? Mengapa hendak diteruskan untuk sehingga 2012 berapa lagi wang rakyat akan terbazir untuk meneruskan 'agenda' gagal Dr. Mahathir ini...?
Adakah benar Dr. Mahathir marah kerana PPSMI hendak dimansuhkan...? Jawapanya tidak..?
Dr. Mahathir cuma marah sebab dengan pengumuman olok - olok PPSMI nak dimansukan 2012 imej atau ego beliau tercabar....lebih lebih lagi apabila manipulasi (permainan angka) pencapaian anak - anak sekolah di bawah PPSMI dibongkar Muhiyuddin dengan mengatakan PPSMI tak pernah capai sasaran.
Semua tahu PPSMI bukan kerana kesungguhan mengubah dasar sebaliknya alasan kuat mempertahankan PPSMI ialah kerana kontrak, projek dan jumlah wang yang tertanam dalam PPSMI itu. Maka tidak banyak pemimpin Umno berani bercakap menentang PPSMI kerana setiap pemimpin Umno akan ada pemodal dobelakangnya. Ketika pemodal sedang sedap menikmati wang dari PPSMI sudah tentu mulut pemimpin Umno tidak terbuka demi memastikan poket mereka terus terisi.
Semua juga tahu polisi atau dasar pendidikan negara sering berubah ubah. Contohnya semasa Anwar Ibrahim menjadi Menteri Pendidikan, dia memperkenalkan Bahasa Baku. Bahasa baku menjadikan bahasa Melayu mudah dipelajari kerana punya sistem suku kata yang senang dibunyikan. Ini di akui ramai pakar bahasa. Bukan Anwar cipta bahasa baku, bukan Anwar pandai sangat pasal bahasa...tetapi untuk mengangkat bahasa Anwar mengumpulkan pakar bahasa dan mendengar cadangan mereka.
Namun selepas Anwar dipecat, bahasa baku turut terpecat. Bukan itu sahaja Kementerian Pendidikan juga diubah nama kepada Kementerian Pelajaran. Semua yang punya 'bau' Anwar perlu dibersihkan.
Maknanya semuanya boleh bertukar secara total di bawah Menteri yang berbeza.
Yakinkah kita 2012 masih Muhiyuddin menjadi Menteri Pelajaran ? Yakinkah kita bahawa 2012 PPSMI benar - benar dimansuhkan..... boleh sahaja nanti Menteri lain (atau Menteri sama pun) mengumumkan dasar menambah masa P & P subjek Bahasa Inggeris gagal maka perlu dikembalikan kepada PPSMI khususnya apabila telah menang selepas PRU 13 yang akan diadakan sebelum persidangan Parlimen kali pertama dalam tahun 2012.
Kesimpulanya mudah pengumuman olok - olok PPSMI akan dimansuhkan 2012 perlu ditolak. PPSMI perlu dimansukan sekarang juga, atas alasan ;
- jangan bazirkan terus wang rakyat sehingga 2012,
- jangan mangsakan terus - terus anak sekolah dengan dasar yang tak pernah mencapai sasaran.
Jangan berhenti ayuh demo lagi !!!
Expressing disappointment that the state government failed to fulfill any of his three demands outlined last week, Hindraf leader P Uthayakumar said the movement would now turn the screws to compel the Penang government to protect the villagers' interests.
During his visit to Kampung Buah Pala Saturday, Uthayakumar spelled out three actions that the state government must take within a week to save the village, popularly known as 'Tamil High Chaparral'.
His demands were:
• Sign a purchase order to acquire the village land from its current landowner, the Senior Civil Servants Cooperative Society (Koperasi Pegawai-Pegawai Kanan Kerajaan Pulau Pinang).
• Disclose findings of its ongoing investigation into the alleged land scam involving the village.
• Reveal the court order on the dissolution of the legally-constituted Brown Housing Trust, which encompasses Kampung Buah Pala.
"We will now step up our struggle to save the village," Uthayakumar told Malaysiakini today.
However, he declined to reveal Hindraf's next plan of actions.
'CM has overreacted'
Kampung Buah Pala in Gelugor is known as the 'Tamil High Chaparral' due to the existence of cowherds, cattles, goats, other livestocks, and Tamil lively cultural features.
The village's 300 residents now face a court eviction order after Aug 2 to pave way for a lucrative condominium project called Oasis.
Oasis' proposed developer Nusmetro Venture (P) Sdn Bhd executive director Thomas Chan has said that the company would demolish and flatten the village after the deadline.
Uthayakumar and his supporters across the country are expected to be at the village on Aug 2 to provide stiff resistance ala a Mexican standoff against the possible 'High Chaparral' demolition.
Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng has said the state government plans to invoke provisions under the National Land Code to stop the developer from demolishing the houses.
However, Uthayakumar remained unconvinced and accused Lim of hiding behind the law to sidestep responsibility to preserve the village.
He reiterated his call on Lim to instead use Section 76 of the NLC read in conjunction with Section 3 of the Land Acquisition Act to acquire the village land from its current owner.
“Lim can end the crisis with just a stroke of a pen … undoubtedly,” he said.
Stressing Hindraf was not racist, he explained that the movement got involved in the crisis because the land dispute touched on social and natural justice.
“Hindraf's struggle was always based on universal human rights, natural and social justice.
“But Lim overreaction to our involvement turned it into a communal issue,” Uthayakumar claimed.
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