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Thursday, February 4, 2010

Live - Anwar's trial continues

The Anwar trial continues with testimony by key prosecution witness Saiful Bukhari in camera. Since we won’t know what’s going on inside, we can only figure out what is happening outside court.

Anwar Ibrahim sodomy trail- Mohd Saiful Bukhari Azlan at the ... on Twitpic Saiful at the condo – Photo courtesy of chongandrew

Anil Netto

Shamsul: Semua adalah fitnah

Police claim shots fired in self-defence - Malaysiakini

Police have defended their action in firing shots in self-defence in a criminal case in Gombak on Oct 30 last year.

City CID chief Ku Chin Wah said that in the 4.30am incident, policemen on patrol came across a car that was being driven in a suspicious manner.

"Police ordered the car to stop but the suspects accelerated away in the direction of Selayang and onwards to Gombak.

woman shoot by police 030210 06"Police had to fire shots in the direction of the car when the suspects tried to mow down our men," he said in a statement yesterday.

He said the driver of the car and a female pasenger (right) were injured in the incident and were given treatment at the Kuala Lumpur Hospital (HKL).

Ku said checks on the suspect's vehicle showed it had been stolen and reported missing in Alor Setar, Kedah and also found in it were parangs, an axe, false registration plates, knives, a knuckle duster, screwdrivers, false road tax discs and a bunch of keys.

He said the case was before the courts and advised the public not to participate in any demonstrations that might be held pertaining to it.

"Police have not received any application for a permit to hold a demonstration at Bukit Aman tomorrow (Feb 4)," he added.

- Bernama

Offensive YouTube videos raise MIC's ire

Two Youtube video clips offending Indians have got MIC leaders boiling in the wake of Nasir Safar's racist remarks.

It was discovered by the party's Putera MIC 'cyber war' team on Monday.

The first clip, 'Lawak Malaysia Hindu Heroes Hindraf The Movie' was put up by someone identified as 'wireless 2107 alias wan'.

The 9.53-minute clip went online on Sept 30, 2009 and has 8,583 views at the time of writing.

The clip begins with the caption, 'Hindraf Pictures in Berhala Batu Caves Persatuan Untuk Kaum India Malaysia PUKIMA Films and ISA Productions presents Heroes Hindraf The Movie.'

The clip is a spin-off from an early 1980s Tamil movie.

The opening scene ridicules Hindus with the dialogue, "Pengikut yang tak makan lembu akan dipaksa makan tahi tikus." (Followers who do not consume beef would be forced to eat rat droppings).

NONEDAP's national chairperson Karpal Singh was also mocked in the video. He was described as a "sodomiser who needs to sodomise Hindraf thrice a day".

Indian women wearing the traditional red dot on their foreheads or pottu were called wanita kasta lubang bontot (anus caste women).

There was also a scene that derided the Indians here as pariah and hamba kebun getah. (untouchables and rubber estate slaves.)

The second clip entitled 'Lawak TV3' was put online by a user identified as rateddxnaruto alias mandara.

The 4:36-minute clip has been online since Oct 16, 2008 with 273,033 views.

The visuals are taken from TV3's Buletin Utama and the audio was morphed.

The clip described Indians as smelly Thambis who "burned underwears" in the midst of protests.

Deputy Federal Territories Minister M Saravanan was renamed 'Datuk Ngantuk Nak Tidor' in the clip and he was quoted as saying, "Makanan berminyak menyebabkan bau hanyir di kalangan Thambi,"(Oily food contributes to smelly odours among the Thambis).

MIC Youth up-in-arms

vell paari vellpaariIn an immediate reaction MIC Youth advisor S Vell Paari who had viewed one of the two videos said: "They have made fun of different aspects of the Indian community from both sides of the political divide. I am looking at it as a member of the Indian community."

"It is a sick attempt by mentally-retarded individuals," he added when asked to comment on the perpetrators.

Meanwhile the party's information chief P Kamalanathan feels that Indians have worked tirelessly for the progress of Malaysia.

"Few people are questioning our loyalty and contributions. They have insulted us using the new media.

"We want to put a stop to this because we don't want to spoil Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak's good work in bringing about unity."

MIC lodged a police report yesterday at Sentul police station.

A report with the Malaysian Communication and Multimedia Commission (MCMC) is likely to be filed today.

For whom the bell tolls


Who are the traitors here? Are the traitors those who hijrah in search of a better life like what the Prophet Muhammad did? Or are the traitors those who ignore the patriotic contribution of Malayans from the mid-1800s to the mid-1900s?


Raja Petra Kamarudin

Malaysians who ‘abandon’ their country and migrate to another country are traitors, says an Umno Minister. Is he speaking on behalf of the Malaysian government, on behalf of Umno, on behalf of Barisan Nasional, on behalf of the Malay race, or on behalf of the Muslim ummah (community)?

Malays always scream, rant and rave that Islam comes first and everything else goes to the bottom of the priority list. Even the Member of Parliament for Kulim — someone from what can be considered a liberal party, PKR — says that he puts Islam first and everything else second. So let us assume that Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah, being a Muslim, speaks from the Islamic perspective. I doubt he would dare declare otherwise.

Islam stipulates that if you suffer persecution, oppression, injustice, and discrimination under a dictatorial regime, then it is your duty to hijah (migrate). And hijrah is very important to Islam. Hijrah is what the Prophet Muhammad was commanded by God to do. And the day of the Prophet’s hijrah is the day the Muslim calendar begins. That is how important hijrah is to Islam.

Is this Muslim Minister from Umno whacking Prophet Muhammad and calling him a traitor?

Many Malaysians died for their country. The Indians and Chinese migrated to British Malaya between the mid-1800s to about 1920 when the British started to tighten the immigration policy and no longer brought in labourers from India and China to work the railway, public works, plantations and tin mines in Malaya.

But this did not mean that immigration came to a complete stop. The British still brought in Indians to serve in the civil service and to serve as schoolteachers. This was because the local Malays, at that time, were not so proficient in the English language compared to the Indians. So the Indians were required as government servants and teachers.

Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s father is one example of an English language teacher from India who came to Malaya and eventually married a Malay woman, resulting in the birth of Dr Mahathir.

Many Indian and Chinese immigrants married in Malaya, sometimes to fellow Indians and Chinese and sometimes to local Malays (that is why many Malays look more Indian and Chinese compared to their Indonesian cousins). And understandably they sired children born in Malaya. And these local born sons and daughters of the immigrants are those Malaysian Indians and Chinese of today, many who have never stepped foot in India or China since the day they were born.

Their parents and grandparents (some are third or fourth generation Malaysians while some, like the Melaka Chinese, have been ‘locals’ since 500 years ago) came to Malaya to serve the country and died in this country. And some of these ‘immigrants’ have been in the country longer than even Malays who are only second or third generation Malaysians.

The question of who came first is an arguable issue. There are Indians and Chinese who have been in Malaysia for hundreds of years and there are Malays who have been in the country less than 100 years. Nevertheless, this article is not to argue about who is more Bumiputera — the Malays, Indians or Chinese.

Everyone — Malays, Indians and Chinese alike — are sons and daughters of immigrants. It would be very difficult to dissect the three different races based on generalising. You would have to look at it on a case-to-case basis. My family came to Malaya in the mid-1700s. Tian Chua’s family came to Malaya much earlier than that. Dr Mahathir and Khir Toyo are merely second generation Malaysians although one became the Prime Minister and the other the Chief Minister of a State.

Okay, the purpose of this article is not to argue who is more Bumiputera as we can argue till the cows come home and will never reach a consensus. What I want to talk about is who has served this country and, therefore, can be considered a true patriot.

The railway, roads, bridges and buildings, right up to maybe the 1980s or so (that means for more than 100 years), were built by the Indians and Chinese (not the Malays). I still remember even as recent as the 1970s when Indians would work in the hot sun building the roads and laying the railway lines. They also worked in the estates and plantations. And the same goes for the tin mines and the construction industry, which were mainly a Chinese affair.

And many died. There were numerous cases where entire Chinese communities were wiped out by disease and war and they had to bring in fresh loads of Chinese workers from China to replace those who had died. And the living conditions of these workers were pathetic. Trust me when I say detention under the Internal Security Act in Kamunting is luxurious compared to what these Indians and Chinese had to endure.

The Malayan civil service, legal system, education system, and whatnot, depended on the English educated Indians brought in from India. It was not until the 1920s or so, when the immigration policy was tightened, that the Malays were educated enough to start filling the ranks of the civil service. Even by the time of Merdeka the country still depended on the immigrants because there were not enough educated Malays to serve the country.

And almost all these people died in this country (only some went home to die) and their Malaysian-born children, grandchildren and great grandchildren are those Indians and Chinese you see in the country today.

To sum up: this country was built by the non-Malays. What we see today is the result of the contribution by the non-Malays. Initially, Malaya’s economy depended on rubber and tin, long before we had factories and heavy industries. And it was because we had immigrant Indians and Chinese is why we saw a thriving rubber and tin industry. If not because of rubber and tin, Malaysia would be amongst the poorest countries in this world.

Then we had three wars - the Second World War, the Malayan Emergency, and the Konfrantasi with Indonesia. And not just Malayans, but many foreign ‘Mat Salleh’ (white skins), as well as Africans, Fijians, Gurkhas, Indians, Punjabis, Bengalis, and many more, died in these wars. Of course, Malays died as well. But Malays were not the only ones who died in these three wars. See the statistics in the addendum below to get an idea of those who sacrificed their lives for this country.

But is the contribution of these patriots ever remembered? The Malays scream, rant and rave that this is a Malay country. They declare that this is Tanah Melayu (Malay land). But we might not even have a country, at least not in the form that we see it now, if not for the fact that many not of Malay origin laid down their lives for this country. If the non-Malays, including the ‘Mat Salleh’, had not died for this country, Malaysia would no longer be an independent nation but just a small province of Indonesia.

When Malays talk about dying for your country, they just look at the three wars. But the death toll for these wars does not even come close to the death toll of those who died serving this country in other ways. Some died defending the country in wars. But many more died in the effort to build this country to what it is today. And many also died of mere old age after serving this country their entire life and then retired here as citizens.

But how do we repay these patriots or children and grandchildren of patriots not of Malay origin? We insult them. We threaten them. We discriminate against them. We oppress them. We persecute them. We treat them as second-class citizens. We refuse to recognise the patriotic contribution of their parents, grandparents or great grandparents in defending this country and in building this country to what it is today.

So these people feel hurt. So they feel that the sacrifices and contribution of their forefathers are not remembered and appreciated. So they decide to leave the country and go to another country that can better-appreciate their talents and skills instead of threatening and subjecting them to screams of “go back to your own country”.

Who are the traitors here? Are the traitors those who hijrah in search of a better life like what the Prophet Muhammad did? Or are the traitors those who ignore the patriotic contribution of Malayans from the mid-1800s to the mid-1900s?

The Umno Ministers should be made to pass a history test before they can be appointed as Ministers. And they should also be made to pass a lie detector test every time they make a statement.

As the Malays would say: bodoh (stupid) is bad enough. Bodoh sombong (arrogantly stupid) is unforgivable. And Umno Ministers are just that — bodoh sombong.

Combatants in the Malayan Emergency

United Kingdom


New Zealand

Federation of Malaya



Various British East African colonies

Breakdown of the combatants in the Malayan Emergency

250,000 Malayan Home Guard troops

40,000 regular Commonwealth personnel

37,000 Special Constables

24,000 Federation Police

Casualties in the Malayan Emergency

Killed: 1,346 Malayan troops and police (of many races) and 519 British military personnel

Wounded: 2,406 Malayans (of many races) and British troops/police

Civilian: 2,478 killed, 810 missing (of many races including ‘Mat Salleh‘)

Malaysian-Indonesian Konfrontasi

Combatants in the Konfrontasi


United Kingdom


New Zealand

And with support from the United States

Allied Casualties

114 killed

181 wounded

Indonesian Casualties

590 killed

222 wounded

Civilian casualties

36 killed

53 wounded

4 taken prisoner

The forces that served during the Konfrontasi period to secure Malaysia’s freedom and independence

United Kingdom

Royal Navy:

40 Commando Royal Marines

42 Commando Royal Marines

Sections of Special Boat Service

Detachments of 845 Naval Air Squadron (Wessex)

Detachments of 846 Naval Air Squadron (Whirlwind)

Detachments of 848 Naval Air Squadron (Wessex)

849 NAS Fairey Gannet AEW on HMS Victorious

British Army

Squadron of Life Guards

Squadrons of 1st The Queen’s Dragoon Guards

Squadrons of Queen’s Royal Irish Hussars

Squadrons of 4th Royal Tank Regiment

H Squadron of 5th Royal Tank Regiment

4th Light Regiment Royal Artillery (comprising 29 (Corunna), 88 (Arracan), 97 (Lawsons Company) Light Batteries)

V Light, 132 (Bengal Rocket Troop) Medium Batteries (of 6th Light Regiment Royal Artillery)

T (Shah Sujah’s Troop) and 9 (Plassey) Light Anti Defence Batteries (of 12th Light Air Defence Regiment)

30 Light Anti Defence Battery (Roger’s Company) (of 16th Light Air Defence Regiment)

53 (Louisburg) Light Anti Defence Battery (of 22nd Light Air Defence Regiment)

11 (Sphinx) Light Anti Defence Battery (of 34th Light Air Defence Regiment)

40th Light Regiment Royal Artillery (comprising 38 (Seringapatum), 129 (Dragon), 137 (Java) Light Batteries)*

70 Light, 176 (Abu Klea) Light, 170 (Imjin) Medium Batteries (of 45th Light Regiment Royal Artillery)

8 (Alma), 7 (Sphinx), 79 (Kirkee), 145 (Maiwand), Commando Light Batteries (of 29th and 95th Commando Light Regiments, Royal Artillery)

1st Battalion, Scots Guards

Guards Independent Parachute Company

1st Battalion, King’s Own Scottish Borderers

1st Battalion, Gordon Highlanders

1st Battalion, Royal Ulster Rifles

1st Battalion, Queen’s Own Highlanders

1st Battalion, Queen’s Own Buffs, The Royal Kent Regiment

1st Battalion, Durham Light Infantry

1st Battalion, Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders

1st Battalion, Royal Leicestershire Regiment

1st Battalion, King’s Own Yorkshire Light Infantry

1st Green Jackets (43rd and 52nd)

2nd Green Jackets, The King’s Royal Rifle Corps

3rd Green Jackets, The Rifle Brigade

2nd Battalion, The Parachute Regiment

D Company, 3rd Battalion, The Parachute Regiment

1st Battalion, Royal Hampshire Regiment

22 Special Air Service

1st and 2nd Battalions of 2nd Gurkha Rifles

1st and 2nd Battalions, 6th Gurkha Rifles;

1st and 2nd Battalions, 7th Gurkha Rifles;

1st and 2nd Battalions, 10th Gurkha Rifles;

Gurkha Independent Parachute Company

Detachments 656 Squadron Army Air Corps

Various units from Corps of Royal Engineers

Various units from the Royal Corps of Signals


Detachments 15 Squadron RAF Regiment

Detachments 34 Squadron (Beverley) stationed in Singapore

Detachments 48 Squadron (Hastings and Beverley) stationed at RAF Changi, Singapore

Detachments 209 Squadron (Pioneer and Twin Pioneer)

Detachments 52 Squadron (Valetta) stationed at RAF Butterworth, Malaya

Detachments 66 Squadron (Belvedere) stationed at RAF Seletar, Singapore

Detachments 103 Squadron (Westland Whirlwind HC 10) stationed at RAF Seletar, Singapore

Detachments 110 Squadron (Westland Sycamore then Whirlwind) stationed at RAF Seletar, Singapore

Detachments 205 Squadron (AVRO Shackleton MR Mk2) stationed at RAF Changi, Singapore

225 Squadron (Westland Whirlwind HC 2)

230 Squadron (Westland Whirlwind HC 10)

81 Squadron (Canberra PR 9) stationed at RAF Tengah, Singapore

20 Squadron (Hawker Hunter) stationed at RAF Tengah, Singapore

60 Squadron (Gloster Javelin) stationed at RAF Tengah, Singapore

64 Squadron (Gloster Javelin) stationed at RAF Tengah, Singapore

45 Squadron (Canberra) stationed at RAF Tengah, Singapore

74 Squadron (English Electric Lightning) stationed at RAF Tengah, Singapore

15 Squadron Handley Page Victor stationed in at RAF Tengah and Butterworth)


102 Field Battery Royal Australian Artillery.

3rd Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment

4th Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment

A and B Squadrons of the Australian Special Air Service Regiment


Malaysian Army

Squadron of Malaysian Reconnaissance Regiment

A and B Batteries (of 1st Regiment, Malaysian Artillery)

3rd Battalion, Royal Malay Regiment

5th Battalion, Royal Malay Regiment

8th Battalion, Royal Malay Regiment

1st Battalion, Singapore Infantry Regiment

Royal Federation of Malay States Police

Police Special Branch

Battalion of Police Field Force

New Zealand

1st Battalion, Royal New Zealand Infantry Regiment

1st Ranger Squadron

41 Squadron (Canberra)

Detachments 41 Squadron (Bristol Freighter)

Translated into Chinese at:

Translated into BM by Tan KY:

Menurut seorang Menteri UMNO

Menurut seorang Menteri UMNO, rakyat Malaysia yang “berhijrah” ke negara lain adalah pengkhianat. Adakah beliau bercakap bagi pihak kerajaan Malaysia, atau UMNO, BN, atau kaum Melayu atau umat Islam?

Orang Melayu selalu memaki-hamun dan berpekik yang Islam adalah segala-galanya dan selebihnya tidak penting. Contoh terbaik ialah ahli parlimen Kulim, daripada parti PKR yang dianggap liberal, berkali-kali berkata bahawa beliau meletakkan Islam mendahului segala-galanya, termasuk tugas beliau sebagai ahli parlimen. Sekarang mari kita anggap bahawa Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah, sebagai seorang Islam, juga bercakap daripada perspektif Islam.

Islam berkata bahawa jika anda ditindas, didiskrimasi oleh sebuah regim yang kejam, adalah wajib untuk anda berhijrah. Hijrah merupakan konsep yang amat penting dalam Islam. Allah mengarahkan Nabi Muhammad untuk berhijrah, dan kalendar Islam bermula pada tahun hijrah.

Sekarang renung-renungkanlah. Adakah Menteri UMNO tersebut menuduh Nabi Muhammad seorang pengkhianat?

Ramai orang Malaysia berkorban kerana negara kita. Orang India dan Cina datang ke negara Malaya di antara tahun 1800 ke 1920. Selepas itu, British mengetatkan polisi imigrasi dan tidak lagi membawa buruh daripada India dan China untuk bekerja di landasan keretapi, ladang dan lombong di Malaya.

Tetapi ini tidak bermakna imigrasi telah berhenti selepas itu. British masih membawa rakyat India untuk bekerja di sektor awam dan untuk bekerja sebagai guru sekolah. Ini kerana pada masa itu, Melayu tempatan kurang menguasai Bahasa Inggeris berbanding rakyat India. Oleh yang demikian, rakyat India diperlukan sebagai kakitangan awam dan guru.

Ayah Tun Dr Mahathir ialah contoh seorang guru bahasa Inggeris yang datang dari India, dan mengahwini seorang perempuan Melayu tempatan.

Ramai pendatang India dan China berkahwin di Malaya, setengahnya kepada rakyat senegara dan setengahnya kepada Melayu tempatan (ini sebabnya banyak Melayu hari ini mempunyai iras Cina dan India). Anak-anak mereka dilahirkan di Malaya, dan merupakan rakyat Malaysia hari ini yang berbangsa Cina dan India. Ramai di antara mereka tidak pernah menjejak kaki di India atau China dari hari mereka lahir.

Ibu bapa mereka dan datuk-nenek mereka (ada yang merupakan generasi ketiga atau keempat di Malaysia dan setengahnya, seperti Cina di Melaka, telah berada di sini sejak 500 tahun lalu) datang ke Malaya untuk bekerja dan menghembuskan nafas terakhir di negara ini. Dan sesetengah “pendatang” ini telah berada di negara ini jauh lebih lama daripada sesetengah Melayu yang merupakan generasi kedua atau ketiga.

Perdebatan tentang siapa yang datang dahulu adalah perkara yang tidak mudah diselesaikan. Ada Cina dan India yang telah berada di sini sejak beratus tahun dahulu, dan ada Melayu yang hanya berada di sini kurang daripada seratus tahun. Namun demikian, artikel ini bukanlah untuk betengkar mengenai siapa yang lebih layak digelar “Bumiputera”

Semua daripada kita merupakan anak kepada pendatang. Sukar untuk kita mengkategorikan tiga bangsa ini secara umum. Ia sesuatu yang harus dilihat satu-persatu. Keluarga saya datang ke Malaya pada tahun 1700-an. Keluarga Tian Chua datang lebih awal daripada itu. Dr Mahathir dan Khir Toyo merupakan rakyat Malaysia generasi kedua walaupun seorang pernah menjadi Perdana Menteri dan seorang lagi Menteri Besar.

Sekali lagi, artikel ini bukan untuk membincangkan siapa yang lebih Bumiputra, kerana kita boleh berdebat siang dan malam dan sehingga kucing bertanduk pun kita tidak akan mencapai kata sepakat. Apa yang saya ingin ketengahkan di sini ialah siapa yang telah berjasa kepada negara ini dan oleh yang itu, layak digelar sebagai rakyat yang cinta negara.

Landasan keretapi, jalan raya, jambatan dan bangunan di negara ini, sehingga ke tahun 1980-an (lebih daripada 100 tahun) dibina oleh India dan Cina (bukan Melayu). Saya masih ingat pada tahun 1970-an, saya melihat pekerja India bertungkus lumus di bawah matahari yang terik membina jalan dan landasan keretapi. Mereka turut bekerja di estet dan ladang. Sama juga bagi lombong timah dan industri bangunan, yang kebanyakannya diusahakan orang Cina.

Dan ramai yang terkorban. Banyak kes di mana pekerja Cina maut akibat wabak penyakit dan perang dan pekerja baru terpaksa dibawa daripada China untuk menggantikan yang terkorban. Hidup mereka penuh kesengsaraan.

Di Malaya pada masa itu, sektor awam, perundangan, pendidikan bergantung kepada rakyat India yang menerima pendidikan Inggeris (India pada masa itu di bawah naungan British). Selepas 1920-an, Melayu tempatan mula mengisi jawatan di sektor awam setelah menerima cukup pendidikan Inggeris. Walau bagaimanapun, ketika negara kita merdeka, negara masih bergantung kepada golongan pendatang kerana rakyat tempatan masih kurang yang menerima pendidikan yang cukup.

Hampir kesemua golongan ini yang pada mulanya dibawa dari Cina dan India, anak, cucu mereka yang dilahirkan di Malaysia merupakan rakyat Cina dan India yang anda lihat di Malaysia hari ini.

Kesimpulannya, negara ini dibina oleh yang bukan Melayu. Apa yang kita ada hari ini merupakan keringat bukan Melayu. Pada awalnya, ekonomi Malaya bergantung kepada getah dan timah, sebelum kita mempunyai industri berat dan kilang-kilang. Dan hanya kerana adanya pendatang India dan Cina kita mempunyai sektor pelombongan dan peladangan yang berjaya. Kalau bukan kerana ini, Malaysia hari ini mungkin di antara negara termiskin di dunia.

Selain itu, kita pernah mengalami tiga perang, Perang Dunia Kedua, perang Komunis dan Konfrontasi dengan Indonesia. Bukan hanya orang Malaya, tetapi juga orang putih, orang Afrika, orang Fiji, orang Gujerat, orang India, Punjabi, Bengali dan banyak lagi, terkorban dalam peperangan ini. Tidak dinafikan, Melayu juga banyak yang terkorban. Tetapi mereka bukannya satu-satunya golongan yang terkorban.

Pokoknya, adakah pengorbanan golongan bukan Melayu diingati hari ini? Ada Melayu hari ini yang terpekik terlolong bahawa negara ini kepunyaan mereka. Mereka kata ini Tanah Melayu. Tetapi kita mungkin tidak ada negara yang kita ada hari ini tanpa pengorbanan bukan Melayu. Jika bukan kerana mereka, kita mungkin hanya satu wilayah Indonesia hari ini.

Apabila Melayu bercakap tentang berkorban untuk negara, mereka selalunya menumpukan kepada tiga perang ini. Tetapi angka korban bagi perang adalah kecil berbanding dengan yang terkorban kerana berkhidmat untuk negara ini dalam aspek lain. Dan ini tidak termasuk yang menignnggal dunia kerana usia tua selepas menghabiskan seluruh hidup mereka di negara ini sebagai seorang rakyat.

Tetapi bagaimana kita membalas budi mereka, dan anak-anak dan cucu-cucu mereka yang bukan Melayu? Kita menghina mereka (pendatang!). Kita mengancam mereka (jangan cabar Melayu!). Kita mendiskriminasi terhadap mereka (hak-hak Bumiputra!). Kita menindas mereka dan menganggap mereka sebagai rakyat kelas kedua. Kita tidak menghiraukan budi datuk nenek mereka yang menghabiskan hidup berbakti untuk negara kita.

Jadi mereka berasa terkilan. Mereka berasa bahawa pengorbanan dan bakti datuk nenek mere tidak dihargai. Jadi mereka mengambil keputusan pergi ke negara lain di mana bakat mereka lebih dihargai. Mereka meninggalkan Malaysia kerana tidak tahan dengan kecaman “baliklah ke China atau India. Ini Tanah Melayu!”.

Siapa pengkhianat di sini? Adakah pengkhianat mereka yang berhijrah mencari kehidupan yang lebih baik seperti apa yang dilakukan oleh Nabi Muhammad? Atau pengkhianat mereka yang tidak mahu mengiktiraf pengorbanan dan jasa pendatang di Malaya dari tahun 1800-an ke 1900-an?

Menteri Umno patut mengambil ujian sejarah sebelum mereka menjadi Menteri. Mereka juga patut mengambil ujian bohong setiap kali mereka membuka mulut mereka.

Bak kata orang Melayu: bodoh suduh cukup teruk. Bodoh sombong tidak boleh dimaafkan. Dan Menteri Umno hanya satu: bodoh sombong.

SIB’s ‘Allah’ appeal to be heard March 5

By Syed Jaymal Zahiid - The Malaysian Insider

KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 4 — The Special Appeals and Powers High Court has set March 5 to hear the judicial review application by East Malaysia’s most prominent church, the Sidang Injil Borneo (SIB), to use ‘Allah’ in its Bahasa Malaysia publications for distribution to its congregants.

The SIB is also seeking a 10-point declaration which among others, demand that the government recognises its constitutional right to use the term “Allah” in Bahasa Malaysia and Bahasa Indonesia versions of the Bible and in all its religious publications.

The church was established in 1928 and spread its wings to peninsular Malaysia in 1993 where it has 31 congregations, 29 of which worship in Bahasa Malaysia.

Lawyers representing SIB told reporters here Justice Aziah Ali will be replacing Justice Abdul Kadir Musa who presided over the case when the application was initially made in 2007. She will then decide on case management for the judicial review.

SIB, an Evangelical group, is one of the biggest churches in East Malaysia with 500,000 members, but its influence is growing in the peninsula with the migration of many Sabahan and Sarawakian Christians here in search of work.

It has some 600 churches nationwide.

SIB president Jerry Dusing applied for the judicial review after the Royal Customs and Excise Department confiscated certain publications belonging to the group that was imported from Indonesia.

The publications, used by SIB churches for their Sunday School, are written in Indonesian and use the term “Allah” to describe the Christian God.

The Special Appeals and Powers High Court had previously decided to postpone the hearing after the Federal Counsel suggested the case be solved amicably.

Amid hope that then Prime Minister Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi would solve the “Allah” issue, SIB agreed, but on the condition that the confiscated publications be released.

No updates were given following the government’s suggestion to settle the matter amicably. The court then called today to set the hearing mention date.

Dusing told reporters at the court today that the SIB was doing this to uphold its right to religious freedom and blasted the attempt by the government to compromise on the “Allah” row.

Minister in the Prime Minister Department Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz had said that East Malaysian churches are allowed to use “Allah” in their practices but Dusing insist that the suggestions is impractical.

“We have East Malaysians in the Peninsula as well. This is contradictory to the 1 Malaysia ideals. How can there be two systems in one country?” asked Dusing.

Nazri’s proposal came in the wake of a High Court ruling on New Year’s Eve that the Catholic weekly Herald had a constitutional right to use the term “Allah” to describe the Christian God in its Bahasa Malaysia section.

The Herald is distributed in Roman Catholic churches in the country and is prominently stamped with the words “Not for Muslims” but Muslim groups said it was a conspiracy to convert them.

Conversions are rare among Muslims with only Negeri Sembilan having laws that allow apostasy, that is, conversion out of Islam.

The ruling also touched off a series of attacks on places of worship — churches, mosques, suraus and a Sikh gurdwara and a convent school,

Police has so far charged three people for the first attack on the Metro Tabernacle church in Kuala Lumpur and another four were charged for the attacks in two churches and a convent school in Taiping.

Seven charged for graft in illegal sand-mining

By Neville Spykerman - The Malaysian Insider

SHAH ALAM, Feb 4 — Seven people today claimed trial to charges of corruption in connection with illegal sand mining in Selangor at the Sessions Court here.

The accused include a police inspector, government servants and a housewife.

They were picked up in three separate Malaysian Anti Corruption Comission (MACC) investigations and were charged before Sessions Court judge Mat Ghani Abdullah.

The MACC had detained 34 people in five states as part of its probe into illegal sand-mining. Those detained included two politicians and civil servants, for allegedly accepting bribes of cash and sexual favours.

With the arrests, the anti-graft body said it believed it had dismantled a syndicate involved in smuggling sand to a neighbouring country.

Among those detained were Hussein Ahmad, the executive secretary to Selangor Agriculture, Natural Resources and Entrepreneurial Development committee chairman Yaakob Sapari.

Defence Ministry reveals leaks to foreign embassy

KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 4 — Defence Minister Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi revealed today the discovery of a leak in the Armed Forces which has been disclosing military secrets to a foreign embassy in the country.

Zahid did not disclose how serious the leak was but he pointed out that those responsible have been issued a warning.

The lenient action appears to suggest the leak was not intentional.

The minister said however that the ministry would not compromise on such matters.

He said he would be meeting the Prime Minister on the matter soon before revealing more details of the case.

This latest revelation follows the scandal over two F-5E jet engines that went missing in 2007.

The engines were discovered missing one year later after which a police report was lodged.

A RMAF sergeant and a company director have been charged early this month in connection with the theft.

Anwar’s trial adjourned for visit to condominium

By Asrul Hadi Abdullah Sani - The Malaysian Insider

KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 4 — Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s High Court trial was adjourned at 11am today for the prosecutors and defence team to visit the condominium where the Opposition Leader allegedly sodomised his former aide Mohd Saiful Bukhari Azlan.

Saiful, whom Anwar said was just his “coffee-boy”, was in the witness dock today at the second day of the trial but the hearing was held in camera due to the graphic nature of his testimony.

Solicitor-General II Datuk Mohd Yusof Zainal Abiden led the questioning on behalf of the prosecution before High Court Judge Datuk Mohamad Zabidin Mohd Diah.

The 62-year-old PKR de facto leader is charged with sodomising Saiful at Unit 11-5-1 of the Desa Damansara Condominium in Jalan Setiakasih, Bukit Damansara, between 3.01pm and 4.30pm on June 26, 2008.

The former deputy prime minister has denied the charge, describing it as “evil, frivolous lies by those in power” when the charge was read out to him.

He is charged under Section 377B of the Penal Code and can be sentenced to a maximum of 20 years in jail and whipping upon conviction. The trial is taking place 18 months after Anwar was charged in court in August 2008.

Anwar’s lead counsel Karpal Singh yesterday asked for Saiful’s testimony to be heard in-camera after he graphically described Anwar’s use of profanity in asking for sex.

He also said the visit to the condominium required the use of a password which he said was “Mokhtar”.

The 24-year-old had also testified he had worked for Anwar for four months, from early March 2008 to June 28 of the same year, and stopped being the Permatang Pauh MP’s special aide because he did not want to be further abused.

Anwar was charged with sodomy and corruption in 1998 after he was sacked from the Cabinet and was later convicted and jailed for both offences. He was freed in September 2004 and later resurrected his political career by winning back his Permatang Pauh parliamentary seat in a by-election in 2008, which had been held in the interim by his wife.

He had earlier led the opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, to a historic sweep of five states and 82 parliamentary seats in Election 2008.

Political dangers and impact in jailing Anwar

Will Anwar’s jailing help BN retain power or will it do the opposite and boost the opposition’s chances? If the prosecution can prove an ironclad case the political fallout will be limited but if Anwar’s conviction is seen as a travesty of justice BN will pay a heavy political price.

By Kenny Gan, Harakah

As the trial of Anwar Ibrahim progresses under the scrutiny of the Malaysian public and the watchful eyes of the international community, we are once again faced with a disturbingly familiar repeat of the infamous events that transpired eleven years ago.

The dubious way in which the previous Anwar trials were conducted left the public seething at the crude parody of justice. It generated a political aftershock for BN and left a black mark in the nation’s history.

Many Malaysians believe the present charge against Anwar are politically motivated and the conduct of the prosecution has reinforced their doubts. Few believe that Anwar will get a fair trial.

Will Anwar’s jailing help BN retain power or will it do the opposite and boost the opposition’s chances? If the prosecution can prove an ironclad case the political fallout will be limited but if Anwar’s conviction is seen as a travesty of justice BN will pay a heavy political price.

To gauge the political effect of jailing Anwar it is instructive to recount the impact of the previous conviction and compare the different socio-political environment in the intervening twelve years.

Back to 1998

In 1998 when Anwar was charged for sodomy and abuse of power, Mahathir was the Prime Minister and he ruled over a Barisan National political machine which faced no creditable challenge by the then fragmented opposition. The premier’s authoritarian style earned him the label of ‘dictator’ and his liberal use of the ISA to quell dissent invoked a climate of fear.

Although Mahathir achieved his aim of jailing Anwar, the effect of Anwar’s downfall a decade ago could not have been what he had foreseen or desired. Despite the most heavy-handed and crude methods, he also failed to destroy Anwar politically or personally.

The twists and turns of the trial, the controversial rulings and the wholly disproportionate sentence convinced nobody. Anwar’s unfortunate beating in prison and his appearance with a black eye caused a public outcry. Despite the valiant attempts of the supine mass media to demonize Anwar, the majority of Malaysians believed that Anwar was a victim of political conspiracy after a fallout with Mahathir.

It created a political and social crisis which reverberates to this day. The U.S. State Department called the sodomy trial an abuse of human rights which was only one of a multitude of condemnations which poured in from overseas. The judiciary became the laughing stock of the international community.

Domestically, Mahathir’s reputation suffered serious harm with calls for him to resign. Demonstrations which were previously unknown in Malaysia broke out with cries of ‘Reformasi!’ and “Mahathir Resign!” They were forcibly suppressed but the anger in the hearts of the people and the disquiet created in civil society lingered to this day.

The social forces unleashed led to the birth of the National Justice Party which was later to become Parti Keadilan Rakyat. The party’s symbol is an eye against a light blue background to denote Anwar’s famous black eye.

The General Election of 1999

The injustice meted out to Anwar caused the three main opposition parties – DAP, PAS and Keadilan – to come together into an electoral coalition called Barisan Alternatif to harness the wave of the public anger. However, this failed to unseat BN or deny BN two-thirds majority in the general election of 1999.

There were many reasons for this, chiefly being the non-Malays’ fear of PAS as Islamic extremists which PAS did nothing to assuage and in fact foolishly exacerbated with calls for an Islamic State. Mahathir also courted the Chinese, aware that his relationship with the Malays was severely strained. About 650,000 newly registered young voters were prevented from voting on the specious excuse that there was not enough time to register them. Hundreds of pages of pro-BN advertisements were published in the one-sided mass media and the playing up of inter-ethnic fear ensured that there was no fair election.

In the end, it was the non-Malays who saved Mahathir from a humiliating loss of BN’s two-thirds majority, which would have forced his immediate exit. There was a significant Malay swing against BN and for the first time, Umno’s share of the Malay vote dropped below 50%.

PAS turned out to be the chief beneficiary, increasing its parliamentary seats from 7 to 27 and capturing Terengganu as it rode on the groundswell of Malay anger over the Anwar injustice. After the election, a joke circulating around at that time was that the difference between a Malay and a Chinese was that the Chinese supported Umno!

Mahathir announced his resignation as Umno President and Prime Minister in 2002, acutely aware that his relationship with the Malays was broken. The baton was handed over to Abdullah Badawi in 2003 and the following general election in 2004 saw BN winning its best performance ever with 90% of parliamentary seats, not because of Badawi’s popularity but because Mahathir was gone.

But the reverberations from the 1999 sodomy case did not end there. After Anwar was released from prison, he forged an electoral pact between PKR, PAS and DAP which resulted in the loss of BN’s two-thirds majority in Parliament and 5 states in the 2008 general election. From this stunning opposition gains, Pakatan Rakyat was born.

Socio-economic differences

Although all this is history, they are worth recounting because one can learn from the past in order not to repeat the same mistakes.

In 1998 the mass media was under much tighter control and the online world was at its infancy. The words ‘blog’, ‘facebook’ or ‘twitter’ had not been invented and Internet penetration was low at less than 15%. It has now exceeded 70%.

People are now far more connected than a decade ago with the proliferation of the online world with its news, blogs, discussion groups, social networking sites, e-mail, mobile phones and SMS. The trial proceedings will be reported in detail, analyzed and dissected. Nothing can be hidden, distorted or obfuscated.

No amount of spinning in the mainstream media will convince a public otherwise if injustice has been committed. It did not work in 1998 and it will not work now especially when the online world has reached mainstream status and there is a freer flow of information.

With the rise of Pakatan Rakyat, people’s expectations are higher and they are now more demanding of good and accountable government based on social justice and the rule of law. It is cavalier to think that Malaysians do not care about injustice and human right abuses as long as the economy performs well.

If Anwar can be convicted in a fair trial with his guilt proven beyond reasonable doubt, little political price need to be paid by the ruling regime but the existence of two medical reports that the accuser had not been sodomized has already tainted the prosecution’s case.

The believability of DNA evidence involves a strong element of trust in the efficiency, professionalism and impartiality of the law enforcement bodies. In a politically charged trial where a person is seen as the victim of the entire state apparatus the use of DNA evidence is less than convincing especially when an attempt was made to fix Anwar using planted DNA evidence in 1998.

We must also remember that the heady economic growth of the 1990’s engendered more tolerance for Mahathir’s autocracy while Najib has his hands full trying to keep the economy growing on the back of the world economic crisis.

We can hence expect deeper political and social consequences compared to 1998.

Political Consequences

The political ramifications this time around will be huge. Unlike 1999, the opposition parties have coalesced into a workable coalition and are ready to challenge BN for the seat of power, a far cry from just trying to grab as many seats as possible. A one party system has morphed into a two party system although BN is still in denial.

Non-Malays have also lost their fear of PAS and interethnic tensions have dissipated meaning that two powerful weapons that used to work with devastating efficiency to garner votes from the non-Malays have been lost.

With the non-Malays now overwhelmingly pro- Pakatan Rakyat, BN’s fortunes now depend on the Malays who are the very group likely to be incensed with any cruel and unjust treatment of Anwar.

It is worth noting that PAS’ gains in 1999 were in the rural Malay seats where it fishes in the same pond as Umno. With Umno now heavily dependent on the rural Malays to maintain its power, it seems reckless to put this voter base at risk with another clumsy and incredulous sodomy conviction.

A perception that Anwar had been unjustly jailed may create an anti-BN wave which the opposition can ride to victory and the non-Malays will not be saving BN this time around.

Social Consequences

Aside from the political consequences, a more insidious effect will be a crisis of public confidence in the law enforcement bodies which is already low. As these bodies need the cooperation and respect of the public to function effectively, this means their efficiency in tackling crime and corruption will be hobbled.

For example, the MACC has been seriously hobbled with the dive in public confidence following its one-sided investigations and Teoh Beng Hock’s death and will continue to be so until major revamps are made to instill back public confidence.

Society is traumatized by crude and offensive displays of injustice. The negative sentiment will affect private domestic investment which is already in decline and foreign investors will discouraged from investing in a country with a broken judiciary.

Unlike 1998 Anwar is now opposition leader. To jail him on a specious charge with a dubious trial will project the perception that an opposition leader has been jailed on sham charges to remove him from the political scene.

This will invite condemnations from the international community and put the country in the company of banana republics such as Myanmar and Zimbabwe. The negative image projected by the country will drive away tourists and discourage others from holding functions in Malaysia.

As for Najib, his hold on Umno will weaken with the decline in public support which may impair his ability to push through further reforms. Public support has a direct effect on his ability to control his party warlords whose personal interests do not always coincide with public interests.

What Now, Najib?

There is something called the law of unintended consequences. Instead of weakening the opposition by removing Anwar, the opposition may be rejuvenated instead and the public may rally around him as a martyr of injustice and a victim of abuse of power.

Mahathir harboured a deep personal animosity towards Anwar. He was willing to take any political risks to humiliate and destroy Anwar, even though general election was around the corner. The resulting social and political turmoil was acceptable collateral damage.

Without the cloud of personal animosity, Najib should act in a rational manner and weigh the political risks and social consequences against the uncertain gain.

A conviction which is widely perceived as unfair and a political conspiracy will fall squarely on Najib’s shoulders. Rightly or wrongly, he will be blamed so it is not just Anwar who is on trial but also Najib’s credibility and the Malaysian justice system.

It is to Najib’s interest that Anwar be given a fair trial and acquitted if there is no case. To push through a conviction on the basis of political expediency will unleash social forces which may sweep BN from power.

Please brace yourselves, should DSAI get prosecuted again

If we don’t lash out, they would make statements saying DSAI’s support isn’t that much, and since people don’t lash out, it shows that we agree DSAI sodomized. All in all, they either try to make us all retaliate, or make people believe in their lies. Either way, the result will be the same.

By avancc

Dear Malaysia Today,

After reading a series of articles all over the internet, I suddenly have this feeling. And recalling other issues we saw before, I can't help but feel this way.

I remember how DSAI’s supporters used to run on the streets with their headbands, screaming and allegedly burning rubbish bins, causing “vandalism” and fear among shops owners and rakyat as well.

I remember how a state's administration was forcibly taken. With the speaker taken away while still on his chair; with people having a gun in the state assembly; and someone holding a pepper spray. Yet no action were taken against them.

I remember how the court ruled in a flip-flop manner on who’s the rightful MB, with the decision of one judge easily toppled by another; but not the other way around. And how they waited for people to lash out at them, yet not taking remedial actions.

I remember how candlelight vigils were broken up, with arrests made although it was a peaceful gathering. Yet demonstrations were allowed for another party.

I remember TBH’s case, where the pathologist was threatened, and no action taken against. Instead they wanted to arrest another person for allegedly saying it’s a “murder”. And how they waited for our outburst.

I remember the cow’s head issue where they made “allowed” demonstrations and when condemned, claimed that we should be sensitive towards their feelings. Again they waited for our outburst.

I remember the recent “religious attacks” where they again waited for our outburst.

I remember also the sudden outburst by MPs alleging that some opposition leaders are dictators, etc etc. We see also some lashing out at their own ally. All out of no apparent reason.

I remember the 2 “Pendatang” claims where necessary actions were not taken.

Now, they sped up DSAI’s court case. With refusal to disclose evidence, refusal to dismiss the case etc. When evidence is clearly showing that it is a trumped up case, they went ahead with it.

Something’s ringing:
I suddenly realize that there’s a common ground for all the above cases. They all have similar characteristics

1) Issues created by them, with no valid reason.
2) Statements made by them to cause sentiments of hate and racism.
3) Issues were ignored and no positive actions were taken, even though it’s obvious.
4) Seemingly deaf over suggestions and complaints by rakyats.
5) Continuation of issues, no matter how obviously absurd it appears.
6) Contempt of court, intimidation of investigation, etc and done in an obvious manner.

All actions were done openly, and obviously. They don’t hide, are not ashamed to hide, and not afraid to do it.

We all can see it. It’s so obvious. You tell any human with a sound mind, and they’ll agree 100% with you. Yet, these people continue to do it.

If you watch TV, you would start cursing at the statements made by them to the public, yet appearing soooo “Innocent”; then the plan is already beginning to take shape.

Are they really so stupid to be so “immune” to complaints? Are they really so stupid to be planning sooo poorly? So obviously?

I think not. Remember how one retired man keeps writing and telling people something they know is wrong?

Now that I think of it, remembering how supporters of DSAI used to terrorize a place when he was first arrested years ago. It makes me believe now they are trying to make his supporters angry. They are trying in every attempt to provoke opposition supporters and start taking things to the streets, in a violenr way, out of anger over obvious injustice.

It appears as if they are running through things quickly, in a hasty manner, with lots of details “leaked”. However, it doesn’t seem to be such anymore.

I’m sure everyone would agree that with or without DSAI, we’ll still go on with the cause and kick them out in the next GE. Then, why do they still die-die continue with the case? And make it so obvious?

I also notice how many comments use angry sentences, how many people began cursing and swearing when we face one issue after another. And I see how more and more such trends are picking up lately.

Now, if they forcibly throw DSAI in jail and people got overly upset and demonstrated, they would be able to use that to their advantage again. Well, we know that our other leaders of the PR coalition will surely stand up on this, and it will then be taken as the excuse to arrest them all. Leaving PR full of people but no leaders to guide them. It will be havoc. What’s more with their “virus” plugged in as spies to create more problems? Well, at that time, they would be able to declare not only a state of emergency, but also call for fresh elections. With the havoc running in the opposition then, with capable leaders arrested, it is unlikely they would get enough support.

Worse still when the virus ran for elections. Even if PR could win, it would be useless as these “viruses” are just another tool and puppet for them. We’ll be wasting our votes, our time and money for all that then.

But if we don’t lash out, they would make statements saying DSAI’s support isn’t that much, and since people don’t lash out, it shows that we agree DSAI sodomized. All in all, they either try to make us all retaliate, or make people believe in their lies. Either way, the result will be the same.

It was a blessing we did not retaliate in the previous series of events to allow them to play it to their advantage. Now, they are making it more and more obvious, more absurd so that we’ll be angry over it. I believe it was not mere chance when LGE did not return the lashing of some “virus” against him.

So brace yourselves. We’re about to reach the peak of the roller coaster, and will soon run through a terrifying ride. But as long as we are steadfast, we will be able to survive it. As long as we don’t fall into their plans, they cannot play it to the full.

We’ll have to be careful with our actions, and activities. Continue to inform people, in a way that promotes unity, peace and justice. A way that tells people the need and importance of justice, peace and freedom. Give examples of cases we know. Cases that even the mainstream media revealed. Since they are controlled medias, we’ll use them to our advantage. I believe, there’s no crime in promoting peace, justice, unity and freedom, right?

Comment, complain, and make positive criticism over issues, but we should not be too emotional over it until we’ll have to shout and scream at people, or even take it out in the streets. Write and comment maturely. Face evil with virtue, and the wise shall be able to judge who’s making a scene.

They will continue with the harassing, and more drastic action will surface. There’s a lot of things we have to do to defend against their attacks, which may include the following

1) Cleanup of PR MPs personal life, and business dealings to prevent it being used as a tool to cause defection.
2) Continue waking people up to the issues they are facing, and the truth behind it.
3) Continue educating the public, to be more learned, more informed, and reason better.
4) Train up more capable leaders, to substitute anyone who may be taken down.
5) Monitor and eliminate “virus” members that try to destroy the coalition.
6) Reveal more and more dirty stuff and works of the “you know who”.
7) Have healthy activities for the rakyat, and taking that opportunity to radiate the “justice” message over to them.
8) Etc (feel free to suggest).

Again we shall foil their attempt ... and all subsequent attempts. May Allah be with us through the journey.

If this is an animal farm...

FEB 4 — Totalitarianism. Form of government that theoretically permits no individual freedom and that seeks to subordinate all aspects of the individual’s life to the authority of the government (Encyclopaedia Britannica).

Malaysians have to ask themselves whether they live in one, even if it is likelier a neo-totalitarian state. Both have the common thread of an absolutist government — seeking to sustain itself at the expense of its people.

When you live in a totalitarian state then your first principle, prime objective has to be to free yourself from that predicament. Either flee or defeat those who uphold that totalitarianism. Everything else comes secondary.

Democratic ideals can only prevail in their entirety when they have breathing space. Otherwise they are choked, twisted and ultimately denigrated as dangerous precedents which will lead to uncertainty, Western imperialism, religious extremism or godlessness (same-same really) and moral decadence.

Those accusations are not true by the way, but the control of political process, finance and “law” enforcement instruments enable those in power to portray things external to “their” reality as being counter to “our common good.”

Those living on the wrong side of the “Iron Curtain” for the most part of the 20th century can bear testimony when only a single paradigm reigned over peoples irrespective of their personal views on what constitutes better government.

But totalitarianism was not exclusively a malady of socialism, in fact socialism became the victim of totalitarianism. Many post-colonial nations are or were victims of it, because it is very tempting to rule by barring reason.

Whether it was Stalin’s communism, Kruschchev’ antagonism, Mao’s communalism through teacher barbeque, Tito’s Slavic assimilation or Mobutu Seko-Seko’s pro-democracy through local brutalisation (replaceable with Pinochet), ideology and theory are compromised in order to protect an elite.

That is obvious enough.

But looking at Malaysia, many fail to realise that even those who initiate opposition to the oppression are also victims of the system. They are products of a totalitarian system and our expectation for them to rise above the muck effortlessly is naive.

Bandar Kulim’s Zulkifli Nordin’s agitations are not remarkable if you have followed his open allegiance to religion above anything. The PKR men in Penang — Bayan Baru’s Datuk Zahrain Mohamed and Nibong Tebal’s Tan Tee Beng — associate funds with the ability to serve, one used to be Umno and the other the son of a Gerakan founder. Other grouses across the nation have been made by various people, and they won’t end anytime soon.

That is unsurprising. What is? The unequivocal sense of betrayal among Pakatan voters.

Many threaten to support BN if individuals inside Pakatan Rakyat cannot harmonise and act consistently with higher ideals.

The dudes act like that because the system has led them down that think.

They’ve been raised by parents working in the system, went to school with the system firmly in place and worked in an economy emphasising the dominant think. Odds are they swam downstream rather than fight the system every step of the way — they’d be in an asylum if they fought their way out of the womb and stayed fighting.

We are all guilty of it. We laugh at the brain-numbing indoctrinating elements in our social science subjects, but we did comply to get the grades. We condemn corrupt behaviour in government contracts, but these sub-contract jobs are taken up by us the SMEs.

Sure, we are forced into the situation, but we make those choices. And the list of things we do to live within the system will astound us one day when the systems have collapsed and we look back.

If we are vulnerable, why can’t others like us trying to fight the system also have that vulnerability?

The neo-totalitarian state is exacting. Sure you can read this column, but you are not going to find this news site printed on paper (mind the pun!) and reach the warong in Rawang. Or dare allow a free-TV station or radio station not belonging to a BN-ally. Even in Russia which is being accused of returning to authoritarian ways, there are neutral TV stations.

This is not to make excuses for the politicians, PKR or the entire Pakatan Rakyat. The matter is about our personal freedoms, your right not to fear pursuing democratic ideals along with other Malaysians.

The parties, coalitions and individuals opposing the totalitarianism today are your conduits to freedom. Their human frailties and failing do not mean the fight is wrong, or justifies the passing of our trust back to the guys pinning us down with a gigantic boulder of tyranny.

This political reality is upsetting because it is a nightmare, but it is our nightmare. Our frustrations and anger are compounded by our inability to overwhelm the situation in a single stroke.

That we have to cope with.

What you have to decide is whether you are in a neo-totalitarian nightmare. If you decide that you are, then there is one principle above everything else, seek the end of the totalitarian nightmare. Everything else comes after.

Game over for Pakatan Rakyat?

Game over for Pakatan Rakyat?

WHEN speculation is rife about the possible disintegration of the Pakatan Rakyat (PR), not least via media reports, I cannot help but ask two questions: What could Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak possibly gain by this? And what weapons do parliamentary Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and the PR have in their arsenal to fight this?

Najib smiles as he displays the "BN-friendly" independents

It was one year ago at a packed press conference that Najib, who was then deputy prime minister, displayed three ex-PR lawmakers in Perak who had declared themselves "Barisan Nasional (BN)-friendly" independents. Najib must have believed that he had scored a powerful goal against his nemesis, Anwar. After all, just months before that Anwar was talking about his grand plan of federal regime change via defections. And Anwar succeeded in doing precisely that to the Sabah government in 1994.

If we could turn back time, I wonder if Anwar would still have boasted about his now infamous "16 September" plot, and if Najib would still have wanted to take Perak by force. Both are still paying dearly for their political misadventures. Their mistake? Getting stuck in old experiences and understandings of the world, when the world has clearly changed.

Anwar was trapped by his past success against Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) and probably believed that the defections game was inevitable. Instead of developing a defence against defection, like delegitimising crossovers, he chose an offensive strategy.

Press conference for 1BLACKMalaysia

And Najib was trapped by the BN's past successes in toppling state governments, from Sarawak (1966), to Kelantan (1977), and Sabah (1994). He did not expect that citizens would not take a federal coup lying down. Instead, they tore his "1Malaysia" public relations campaign to pieces in a show of civil disobedience.

No value added

Thus, the gains from defections may be more imagined than real. At the federal level, how does restoring its two-thirds control of Parliament benefit the BN beyond psychological symbolism? The significance of a parliamentary two-thirds majority was established in the 1950s when the then MCA president wanted to protect the Chinese community from any unilateral move by Malay nationalists to amend the constitution.

Zulkifli Noordin would be of limited value
to BN if he defected
But what is left today in the constitution for the BN to amend? Even the PR, with its slightly more than one-thirds control of Parliament, cannot stop gerrymandering beyond preventing an increase of parliamentary seats. To put it crudely, parliamentarians like Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR)'s Zulkifli Noordin and Datuk Seri Zahrain Mohamed Hashim would add only limited value to the BN, should they defect.

At the state level, even if some executive councillors in Selangor are charged for corruption like what happened to the PKR duo in Perak, there could not possibly be a Perak-like coup in Selangor.

First of all, Selangor PR's comfortable 14-seat lead against the BN and BN-friendly independents is way stronger than the wafer-thin three-seat margin the Perak PR government once held. Second, Selangor is politically more developed and organised than Perak, which means an unpopular coup may trigger widespread unrest and paralyse the rest of the nation. Third, on 9 Feb 2010 the Federal Court will deliver its decision on Perak, so there is not much point in the BN forcing a coup which could possibly be denounced by the court.

roadsign of frog, with 'animal crossing' descriptor underneath
Operasi Katak?
And what about Penang or other PR-led states states? Well, Zahrain's attack on Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng may somewhat weaken PKR's urban Malay Malaysian base. Yet it could potentially pull in stronger overall urban support for the state government.

So, the only real gain from the second round of Operasi Katak is an overall demoralisation of the PR, in the hopes that it causes an exodus of leaders and supporters from the coalition.

What about Sodomy, the Sequel?

But in addition to the onslaught against the PR via threats of defections, the coalition also has to contend with a second round of Operasi Liwat. Will Anwar's sodomy trial decapitate the PR as many analysts once believed it could? Not after the "Allah" row.

Anwar's instrumentality to the PR was really his ability to bridge the secular DAP and Islamist PAS, thus facilitating a middle-path positioning.

But in the "Allah" controversy, it was crystal clear that PAS was at the forefront of defending the non-Muslims' right to use "Allah", not PKR. The icon for the defence of non-Muslims' rights was PAS's Shah Alam Member of Parliament Khalid Samad, not Anwar. And speaking of building bridges, even the DAP is becoming more Islam-friendly — the DAP-led Penang government has set up Malaysa's first governmental Syura Council.

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah
So, the PR does not really need Anwar to maintain its inclusive front. But what about leadership in general? If Anwar were to go to jail, who could replace him as parliamentary Opposition Leader? It might be a stretch, but why not consider someone like Umno's elder statesperson Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah?

Anwar and the PR do still wield a formidable weapon — public opinion. As long as the middle-ground voters can be convinced that Najib is a trouble-maker rather than a nation-builder, Umno's exit by the next general election will be on the cards.

But even a week is a long time in politics. What if elections come only in 2013? Would Malaysians "forgive and forget" by then? Well, Anwar's wife and party president Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail will probably return to the limelight, as she did in 1999.

And, of course, with the current momentum, the PR will probably not allow Najib to take his own sweet time to dissolve Parliament. They will do all they can to dash the prime minister's hopes that voters and foreign investors will talk about his Government Transformation Programme. In fact, for many, what might be increasingly relevant is a "Government Transition Programme".

Pakatan Rakyat's weaknesses

Anwar needs to believe PR can survive
Have the PR and Anwar no weaknesses in the face of the BN's onslaught? Of course they do. Anwar's main weakness — which could be fatal — is his lack of confidence that his party and coalition can survive defections.

Besides, PKR's decision to call the more liberal Datuk Zaid Ibrahim before its disciplinary committee alongside Zulkifli and Zahrain sends an important message — PKR is still making concessions to its ultra-right leaders. The same can be said of PAS, vis-à-vis the party's harsher punishment for Khalid compared to Datuk Dr Hasan Ali.

If these problems persist, Anwar may increasingly look like former Prime Minister Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi in his handling of the Datuk Ahmad Ismail-"pendatang" saga, or even Najib in the "Allah" row. The public would probably not miss yet another indecisive leader, even if he were treated unjustly.